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The Myth of the 20th Century 

(Mythus des XX. Jahrhunderts) 
An Evaluation of the Spiritual-Intellectual Confrontations of Our Age 

by Alfred Rosenberg 




In memory of the two million German heroes who fell in the world war for a German life 
and a German Reich of honour and freedom. 

This address is only for those who have already found its message in their own lives, or at least long for it in their hearts. 

— Meister Eckehart. 

An inspired and endowed seer.A fountainhead of fundamental precepts in the field of human history, religion, and cultural 
philosophy, almost overwhelming in magnitude. The Myth is the Myth of the Blood, which, under the sign of the Swastika, released the 
World Revolution. It is the Awakening of the Soul of the Race, which, after a period of long slumber, victoriously put an End to Racial 
Chaos. 



Contents 



Preface 

Book One: The Conflict of Values 
Chapter I. Race and Race Soul 
Chapter II. Love and Honour 
Chapter III. Mysticism and Action 

Book Two: Nature of Germanic Art 
Chapter I. Racial Aesthetics 
Chapter II. Will And Instinct 
Chapter III. Personality And Style 
Chapter IV. The Aesthetic Will 

Book Three: The Coming Reich 
Chapter I. Myth And Type 
Chapter II. The State And The Sexes 
Chapter III. Folk And State 
Chapter IV. Nordic German Law 
Chapter V. Church And School 
Chapter VI. A New System Of State 
Chapter VII. The Essential Unit 

The Myth of the 20th Century 



All present day struggles for power are outward effects of an inward collapse. All State systems of 1914 have already collapsed, 
even if in part they still formally exist. Collapsed also have social, church and ideological creeds and values. No highest principle, no 
supreme idea governs undisputed the life of Folks. Group struggles against group, party against party, national values against 
international dogmas, rigid imperialism against spreading pacifism. Finance with its golden meshes swallows States and Folk, economy 
becomes nomadic, life is uprooted. 

The Great War, as the beginning of a world revolution in all domains, has revealed the tragic fact that, although millions sacrificed 
their lives, this sacrifice was to the advantage of forces other than those for which the armies were ready to die. The dead of the war 
were victims of a catastrophic epoch that had lost all its values, but at the same time — and this is something which begins to be grasped 
in Germany today, even if so far by few — the martyrs of a new dawn, of a new faith. The blood which died, begins to live. In its 
mystical sign the cells of the German Folkish soul renew themselves. Past and present suddenly appear in a new light, and for the future 
there results a new mission. History and the task of the future no longer signify the struggle of class against class or the conflict between 
one church dogma and another, but the settlement between blood and blood, race and race, Folk and Folk. And that means: the struggle 
of spiritual values against each other. 

However, the values of the racial soul, which stand as driving forces behind this new image of the world, have not yet become a 
living consciousness. Soul means race seen from within. And, conversely, race is the external side of a soul. To awaken the racial soul to 
life means to recognise its highest value, and, under its dominance, to allot to other values their organic position in the State, in art, and 
in religion. That is the task of our century; to create a new human type out of a new view of life. And for this, courage is needed; 
courage of each single individual, courage of the entire generation growing up, indeed of many following generations. For chaos has 
never been mastered by those without courage, and a world has never been built by cowards. Whoever wishes to go forward, must 
therefore also burn bridges behind him. Whoever sets out on a great journey, must leave old household goods behind. Whoever strives 
for what is highest, must turn his back on what is lesser. And to all doubts and questions the new man of the coming great German Reich 
knows only one answer: I alone will triumph! 

Despite the fact that so many today agree with these words, nevertheless no community can as yet be established on the basis of the 
ideas and conclusions laid down in this work. These are personal avowals throughout, not points in the program of the political 
movement to which I belong. This has its own great special task, and as an organisation must keep itself remote from disputes of a 
religious, churchish political kind, as well as from the obligation to a definite philosophy of art or a fixed style of architecture. Thus it 
cannot also be made responsible for what is put forward here. Philosophical, religious, artistic convictions are only to be based on the 
prerequisite of personal freedom of conscience, and that is the case here. The work, however, is not directed at persons who live and 
work happily and firmly rooted within their own faith communities, but certainly at all those who, inwardly released from the latter, 
have still not fought their way forward to new ideological links. The fact that these already number millions lays obligations on every 
fellow fighter to help himself and other seekers through deeper reflection. 

This work, the basic idea of which goes back to 1917, was already completed in fundamentals in 1925, but new everyday duties 
again and again held up its final appearance. Works of colleagues or opponents then demanded renewed attention to questions which had 
hitherto been put aside. Not for a moment do I believe that here a solution to the great themes placed before us by destiny has been 
achieved. But I certainly hope to have clearly posed questions and to have coherently answered them as the foundation for the bringing 
about a day of which we all dream. 
Alfred Rosenberg, 
Munich, February 1930 

Concerning the Third Edition 

The publication of this work immediately called forth the most violent arguments. Owing to my deliberate questions and sharpened 
outlines, attacks were to be expected. But if I am to be completely honest, then I must say that I am astounded (but also overjoyed) at the 
concentrated hate I have encountered along with the unscrupulous distortion of what I have written, by the manner in which these 
attacks appeared as if by command. In particular, the wild unrestrained abuse by Roman churchish circles has shown how deeply 
justified the assessment of the Roman Syrian dogma in fact is in the present work. According to old established methods, certain 
conclusions and assertions were, of course, taken out of context from this extensive book, and the blasphemy, the atheism, the Wotanism 
of the author were held out before the credible reader in the German Roman press and in pamphlets. The falsifiers omitted that I even 
went so far as to postulate Wagner's assertion that a work of art is the living representation of religion and the starting point for the 
whole of Germanic art and its foundation. The great respect which is shown the founder of Christianity in the work was overlooked. It 
was deliberately concealed that my religious observations have the clear intention of viewing his great personality without the eternal 
distortions by various churches. It was omitted that I rendered Wotanism as a dead religious form (but naturally have respect for the 
Germanic character which gave birth to Wotan as well as Faust) and, in an unscrupulous manner, the fantasy was concocted that I 
wished to reintroduce the pagan cult of Wotan. In short, there was nothing which was not distorted and falsified; and what appeared 
correctly expressed in a literal sense received a completely different colouring by being taken out of context. The Roman churchish press 
omitted entirely all historical — because unassailable — factual affirmations; all thought processes which led to a definite outlook were 
thoroughly distorted, and the bases of the requirements presented were deliberately overlooked. The prelates and cardinals mobilised the 
faithful masses, and Rome, along with atheistic Marxism, that is, with the political support of the subhumans, conducted a war of 
annihilation against Germany, to the total sacrifice of the German catholics, and yet had the effrontery to suddenly chatter about a 
culture war. The context of this work, which according to form and content certainly stands above those of the everyday level, were not 
made into an objective, and therefore, to be welcomed, critique, but were utilised for the most desolate everyday conflicts. Not against 
myself alone — that would have left me indifferent — but also against the National Socialist Movement to which I have belonged since its 
inception. Despite the fact that, in the introduction and in the work itself, I expressly declared that a political movement which includes 

The Myth of the 20th Century 2 



diverse religious denominations could not solve questions of a religious or artistic philosophical nature; that consequently my world 
outlook as a creed was a personal one — in spite of all this — the obscurantists did everything in their power to divert attention from their 
political crimes against the German Folk, and once again to lament about religion endangered; although true religion is endangered by 
nothing so much as by the systematic cultivation of Marxism by the Centre Party under direction of the Roman prelates. The National 
Socialist Movement is not concerned with exerting religious dogmatism, neither for nor against a particular denomination, but the fact 
that a man in the forefront of political life must claim the right to represent a religious conviction which runs contrary to that of Rome, 
reveals to what degree spiritual gagging has already been successful. 

The admissibility of activity in the national camp is measured by its value to the Roman dogmatism, instead of such a presumption 
being seen as impossible from the start. An undoubtedly serious attempt to cleanse the personality of Christ from the non Christian 
Pauline, Augustine and other additions, has as a consequence brought forth a one sided fury among the ruling utilisers of the distortion 
of the spiritual figure of Jesus; not because high religious values were touched upon, but because a position of political power attained 
through the spiritual anguish of millions is threatened by a potential proud awakening. Things are now such that the Roman Church feels 
no fear before Darwinism and Liberalism, because, especially in the latter, it saw only intellectual attempts without a strength capable of 
shaping communities. But the nationalistic rebirth of German man, from whom the entanglements of the old values had fallen away 
through the upheaval of 1914-1918, appears as so dangerous because from it a power, capable of forming Types, threatens to arise. The 
ruling priest caste only senses this from afar, and particularly it sees that this awakening makes efforts to strengthen everything noble 
and strong. Therefore its alliance with the Red subhumanity has to be close. This will only alter when the German Front proves itself 
victorious; at that hour, Rome will attempt as friend to achieve what it could not attain as enemy. However, to pursue these possibilities 
does not lie within the scope of this book; it is concerned with the chiselling out of the actual spiritual Types, hence about the man 
seeking to become self conscious; an awakening of the feeling of value and the steeling of the character; of resistance in the face of all 
hostile enticements. 

The uproar about my writings was all the more typical, since not a word was uttered to express my disassociation from the 
slandering of great Germans, such as has for long been the literary preoccupation of the Jesuits and their associates. The slandering was 
quietly furthered, of Goethe, Schiller, Kant, and so on, and no objections were raised when the pacemakers of Rome saw their religious 
task in the hindrance of the formation of a German National State; when at catholic pacifist gatherings it was demanded that German 
soldiers be refused a salute; when catholic clergy dared to publicly deny the truth about the actions of the Belgian Franc tireurs and to 
accuse German soldiers of murdering their comrades in order to have an excuse for the persecution of Belgians; when the German 
Folk's Army was wrongly accused in French propaganda of desecration of altars and the host committed in Belgian churches. No 
bishops and cardinals have protested against this deliberate slander of what is German, of its fallen and living defenders; but there 
certainly followed on the part of these same bishops and cardinals attack after attack upon German nationalism. And if the latter were 
pilloried, it shows that the Roman political and religious groups were advancing their own national feeling. 

The Roman Church in Germany cannot dispute its full responsibility for the Folkish destructive work of its numerous pacifist 
clergy, since in other cases where honourable catholic priests found words of true German national will, they were excluded without 
further ado from free speech. Thus there exists a proven systematic politically ideological attempt to rob the German Folk of its pride in 
the defenders of the homeland of 1914, to desecrate their memory, and to drag into the muck the fiery will to protect Folk and 
Fatherland. To establish this requires the simplest truthfulness, and how the faithful come to terms with their church authority is a matter 
of conscience. Things are not such that in order to silence awakening struggles they can pass off these undeniable facts as mere 
aberrations, but courage is particularly necessary for defence against the politics of the highest church authorities. Whether those so 
awakening discern the entire ideological contrast or not must remain their own affair. What is important is that the serious will awakens 
to defend German national honour, not only against Marxists but equally so, indeed even more sharply, against the centre and its church 
allies as the massive breeders of Marxism. An evasion of this point would merely reveal an un German disposition. 

I will not mention all the individual hostile voices. But the typically unscrupulous methods may be singled out in which the Jesuit 
Jakob Notges has the effrontery to assert that the protection of the mother tongue belongs to the catholic order, although his order in 
particular has been the most bloody opponent of the right to the mother tongue; that the love for Folk and Fatherland is demanded by all 
great moral theologians, in which respect his order in particular fights forever against German Nationalism! The Christian neighbourly 
love of this gentleman finally unloads itself in the words: This Bait is a culture fighter, in the manner of a boxer. The poor man suffers 
from an incurable fear of St Peter's Square, which finds its expression in raging and shouting. Then Hitler is advised to put me in a 
straitjacket since putting me on ice is no longer of use because he has experienced the Russian winter too often. The furious unreasoned 
hatred by this Jesuit whose Roman sunstroke passes beyond every boundary is enlarged by other colleagues of his order in the 
contrasting manner of combat. The Jesuit Koch, for example, tries to speak of a German racial soul, calls the experience of life as this 
resounds from the Myth serious and honourable, in order in conclusion to celebrate Boniface as the greatest German! This form of one 
hundred percent falsification is something we will often meet in the future where there is the realisation that incitement no longer helps; 
therefore, such Germanic attempts must also be treated with caution. The destruction of the German soul is always seen as the goal both 
of the apostles of incitement as well as of the handyman artisans of the SOCIETAS IES V and its fellow protagonists — yesterday, today, 
and tomorrow. 

My book has also called forth a violent upheaval in evangelical (protestant) circles. Countless articles in newspapers and journals 
prove that it clearly touched upon very sensitive spots. At evangelical synods, at congresses of the evangelical league, the Myth often 
stood at the centre point of debate, and many pamphlets of protestant theologians give evidence that a struggle of values has become 
renewed and deep in the midst of Lutheranism. My prediction that the evangelical church would behave in an anxious manner toward 
the new religious feeling — similar to Rome with its dogmatic base towards the Reformation — has unfortunately been confirmed. The 
theologians and professors fulminating against my work made it easy for them to be seen as being in full possession of evangelical truth; 
they simply confirmed the heretical nature of my assertions, praised national feeling (without obligation), and were delighted to be able 

The Myth of the 20th Century 3 



to establish (apparent) inaccuracies, and then to reject these. 

It was reported to me that at one of these synods after just such a report, an honest white haired clergyman stood up and declared 
that he could not acknowledge what had been said. It was hats off before this honourable man! Irrespective of whether his search reveals 
the same conclusions as mine, every genuine fighter will show respect to the searching opponent, but not to the old guardians of dogma 
who believe that they must at all costs hang on to their tenuous positions. 

In discussion with learned theologians, I was further able to establish the following: they conceded to me that the evaluation of 
ancient history from the racial soul aspect was correct. But when I drew the conclusion that the Jews must then necessarily also have 
their own completely determined character — their blood linked idea of god — that consequently this Syrian life and spiritual form did not 
concern us in the least, then the Old Testament dogma arose like The Great Wall Of China between us; suddenly, the Jews appeared as 
an exception among Folks. In all seriousness, the Cosmic God was said to be identical with the dubious spiritual assertions of the Old 
Testament! Hebrew polytheism was elevated to a model of monotheism, and no deeper a knowledge had come to Lutheran theology 
from the original magnificent Aryan Persian idea of the world and the cosmic comprehension of God. In addition there appeared the 
revering of Paul, an arch sin of protestantism, against which Lagarde, as is known, attacked by the entire official theology of his day, 
fought in vain. 

The protestant theologians everywhere submit, with universal agreement, to the antifolkish view of the world; the arrogant assertion 
of the Roman Church that the racial evaluation of Folks signifies un Christian idolatry. These gentlemen overlook, however, that the 
exceptional position which they attribute to the Jews, represents nothing other than idolatry of the parasitic Judaic manipulators, always 
hostile to us. Also typical is the answer which David Strathmann made in a leaflet to the criticism, that the churches should concern 
themselves with the German Folk, and, in view of the latter' s impoverishment, not bother about negro missions: as if that were their 
task! For the sake of the racial cult they are to deny the humanitarian task of the missions! The race and soul of the negroes is 
regarded — along with the good Jews — as being more important than the nation to which one has the honour to belong. This appears to 
them as self evident, just as they likewise prefer to overlook that this glorification of Jewry together with the unleashing of Jewish 
impulses has caused the impoverishment of our culture and our politics, against which the present direction of protestantism has proven 
itself incapable of successfully fighting, particularly owing to the idolatry of Jewish ways. 

It is disconcerting if the present representatives of evangelical theology are so un Lutheran as to represent the views in which Luther 
was understandingly still caught up as permanently fixed dogmas. Luther's great deed was, in the first instance, the smashing of the 
exotic priestly idea, and secondly, the Germanising of Christianity. The awakening of Germany, however, also led after Luther to 
Goethe, Kant, Schopenhauer, Nietzsche and Lagarde, and today approaches its full flowering with powerful strides. When David 
Kremers, a leader of the Evangelical League, declares in an article that the Myth is swallowed by academic youth, then he shows that he 
is aware how a powerfully new life is already active in the young protestant generation. Is it not more important now to promote this 
spiritual folkishly rooted life than to hang on inwardly to long fallen dogmatic idols? This young generation nevertheless wishes nothing 
more than to see the cosmic personality of the founder of Christianity in its actual greatness, without those falsifying additions with 
which Jewish zealots like Matthew, materialistic rabbis like Paul, African jurists like Tertullianus, or unprincipled crossbreeds like 
Augustinus, have presented to us as the most frightful spiritual ballast. The young wish to grasp the world and Christianity from their 
own essence, from Germanic values; to assert their self apparent right to this world, but which (especially today) must be regained with 
hard struggle. 

If the ruling church orthodoxy is unable to grasp all this, it will nevertheless not alter the course of things; at most, only be able to 
make them hesitant. A great era would have then once more encountered a petty, self righteous generation. However, this coming time 
affirms both the Strasburg cathedral as well as the Wartburg, and denies the arrogant Roman Centre just as it does the Jerusalem Old 
Testament. It draws more strength from the roots of Germanic drama, its architecture and music, than from the comfortless tales of the 
Jewish people. It recognises much deep Folkish symbolism within the catholic church, and links the latter with the truthfulness of what 
is truly Lutheran. It unites with a great encompassing of racial soul world outlook all that is individualistic to the full blooded organism 
of a German essence. 

The young evangelical priest must move forward since a training, crippling of the soul, does shackle him, as with catholic priests, 
until the time ripens when, from the latter also, Germanic rebels arise, and the work of the monks Roger Bacon and Eckehart lead to the 
freedom of practical life, just as the other great martyrs of the west also lived, suffered and fought in the past. 

On the part of National circles, the Myth was greeted with deadly silence out of fear of the catholic Centre Party. Only a few risked 
joining themselves to its train of thought. The negative judgement from this camp, however, always consisted of claiming that I wished 
to be a founder of a new religion, but that in this respect I had failed. In the chapter on the Folkish Church, however, I have rejected this 
allegation in advance; what I am really concerned with, along with the foundation of the racial study of history, is to place in antithesis 
to one another the values of soul and character of the different races and Folks and systems of thought; to establish the organic order of 
rank of these values for what is German, and to pursue the Germanic will in all domains. The problem is thus: To introduce an 
orientation of soul and spirit against chaotic confusion; to reveal the prerequisites of a general rebirth. The value of my work is to be 
measured by this act of will and by criticism of what I have not undertaken to carry out, which will be the task of a reformer who will 
arise from the longings of a clearly adjusted generation. 

Voices in other countries are throughout more objective than the echoes from circles needing reform in Germany. But more 
important than all this are the countless expressions of agreement from all countries of the world, above all from those Germans who 
have become conscious of the present great spiritual hour of destiny for both Germany and the western Folks. The questions which 
confront us, also confront other nations, and only a very grave destiny compels us to a more honest account, drives us to step out upon a 
new path because, otherwise, with political collapse, spiritual catastrophe must also appear, and the German Folk as a real Folk will 
vanish from history. However, true rebirth is never a matter of political power, even less than a matter of economic reorganisation, as 
empty Marxist heads arrogantly assert, but it signifies a central experience of the soul, the recognition of a highest value. If this 

The Myth of the 20th Century 4 



experience is continued millionfold from man to man, finally, if the united strength of the Folk places itself before this inward 
transformation, then no power in the world will be able to prevent the resurrection of Germany. 

The democratic Marxist camp had at first attempted by dead silence to deny the appearance of this work. However, it was then 
forced into declaring its attitude. These people have now attacked the fake socialism, such as was apparently taught in my work to the 
detriment of the workers. The true socialism of social democracy clearly surfaces in that there is an untroubled continuation of the literal 
enslavement of an entire Folk over many decades through continuation of the pawning of all still existing values with their subjugation 
under the dictates of international finance. True socialism further consists in that the decent creative German Folk are delivered into the 
hands of degenerate theatre and film propaganda, which knows only three heroic types: the prostitute, the pimp, and the criminal. The 
true socialism of the Marxist leadership, in effect, consists in that the little man is flung into jail for a small misdemeanour, whereas the 
big swindler walks away free, just as hitherto this had been the cultivated view of the most influential circles around democracy and 
social democracy. The whole of Marxism has revealed itself, as was unavoidable, as disintegrating of every organic community in 
favour of alien nomadic instincts. It must therefore regard a new foundation and the taking root of such Folkishly socialistic, style 
forming, feeling as an attack upon its existence. 

Marxism and liberalism today find themselves along the entire front in a disorderly rearguard action. For many decades it was 
regarded as particularly progressive to speak only of humanity, to be world citizens, and to reject the racial question as retrogressive. 
Now all these illusions are not only politically disposed of, but the ideology upon which they are based has become brittle, and it will 
not be long until it collapses completely in the souls of those who, although misled, are still to some degree healthy. Closely pressed, 
nothing is left to scientific Marxism other than to attempt the proof that Karl Marx also expressly recognised the influence of Folk and 
race on world events! This mission to incorporate the blood awakening of the German worker, which can no longer be stemmed, into 
Marxist orthodoxy, which for decades has furiously fought the racial delusion, was undertaken, among others, by socialistic education — 
an attempt which in itself characterises the inward catastrophic spiritual collapse even if after the admission, with gnashed teeth, of the 
justification of the racial standpoint, is the general assertion that Marx rejected racial fetishism. What is self evident, is that otherwise he 
would have had to depart for Syria as a teacher — where he rightly belongs. To recognise this and to uproot Marxist materialism and 
financial capitalist backing from German life as an alien Syrian Jewish plant, is the great mission of the new German Workers' 
Movement which as a result will win the right to the leadership of their own future. 

We on our side do not deny very diverse influences: landscape and climate and political tradition; but all this is outweighed by 
blood and the blood linked character. Things evolve around the reconquest of this order of rank. 

To reestablish the ingeniousness of healthy blood, is perhaps the greatest task upon which man can set himself today. At the same 
time, this affirmation gives evidence of the sad situation of the body and the spirit, that such a deed has become a vital necessity. A 
contribution to this great coming act of liberation of the 20th century is what the present book intends to be. Not only the shaking up of 
many awakening men, but also of opponents, is the desired result. I hope that the confrontation between a newly arising world and the 
old forces will take on more and more offshoots, penetrate into all domains of life, always fructifying anew, producing more blood 
linked pride, until the day when we can stand on the threshold of the fulfilment of our longing for a German life, until the hour when all 
wellsprings will unite into one great river of a Nordic German rebirth. 

That is a dream worth being taught and lived. And this experience and this life alone are the reflections of a presaged eternity — the 
mysterious mission of this world into which we were placed in order to become what we are. 
Alfred Rosenberg, 
Munich, October 1931 

500 Thousand 

In December, 1936, the printing of the Myth exceeded half a million copies. That is something which can no longer merely be 
described by the words a wonderful book, as it reveals far more that my work has become a part of the life of the German people, and 
has been taken as an inward possession by millions who had the courage to throw away from themselves what was dead in order to 
break courageously toward a new future. 

I have been through the book once more, and have had to alter virtually nothing. Formulations which were laid down at the time of 
the most bitter political struggle, have revealed their deep justification for the present. Only in the domain of actual state political 
activities have some things been surpassed at one place, and the elaborations have been made appropriately. 

The ideas laid down in the Myth have been established in later speeches which are summarised in two volumes: Blood and Honour, 
and Shaping of the Idea. I have answered my Roman opponents in the pamphlet: To the Obscurantists of our Times (edition of 680,000 
copies). 

The decisive transformation of soul and spirit completes itself throughout Germany. In its service, The Myth of the 20th century 
stands today in the foremost ranks. 
Alfred Rosenberg, 
Berlin, January 1937 



The Myth of the 20th Century 



Book I: The Conflict of Values 

Chapter I. Race and Race Soul 

Today one of those epochs is beginning in which world history must be written anew. The old images of the human past have faded, 
the outlines of leading personalities are distorted, their inner driving forces falsely interpreted, their whole nature for the most part 
totally misjudged. A youthful life force — which also knows itself to be age old — is impelled toward form; an ideology, a world view, 
has been born and, strong of will, begins to contend with old forms, ancient sacred practices, and outworn standards. This means no 
longer historically but fundamentally; not in a few special domains but everywhere; not only upon the heights but also at the roots. 

And this sign of our times is reflected in a turning away from absolute values, that is to say, in a retreat from values held to be 
beyond all organic experience, which the isolated ego once devised to create, by peaceful or violent means, a universal spiritual 
community. Once, such an ultimate aim was the Christianising of the world and its redemption through the second coming of Christ. 
Another goal was represented by the humanist dream of mankind. Both ideals have been buried in the bloody chaos of the Great War, 
and in the subsequent rebirth out of this calamity, despite the fact that now one, and now the other, still find increasingly fanatical 
adherents and a venerable priesthood. These are processes of petrifaction and no longer of living tissue: a belief which has died in the 
soul cannot be raised from the dead. 

Humanity, the universal church, or the sovereign ego, divorced from the bonds of blood, are no longer absolute values for us. They 
are dubious, even moribund, dogmas which lack polarity and which represent the ousting of nature in favour of abstractions. The 
emergence in the nineteenth century of Darwinism and positivism constituted the first powerful, though still wholly materialistic, protest 
against the lifeless and suffocating ideas which had come from Syria and Asia Minor and had brought about spiritual degeneracy. 
Christianity, with its vacuous creed of ecumenicalism and its ideal of HVM ANITAS, disregarded the current of red blooded vitality 
which flows through the veins of all peoples of true worth and genuine culture. Blood was reduced to a mere chemical formula and 
explained in that way. But today an entire generation is beginning to have a presentiment that values are only created and preserved 
where the law of blood still determines the ideas and actions of men, whether consciously or unconsciously. At the subconscious level, 
whether in cult or in life, man obeys the commands of the blood, as if in dreams or, according to natural insight, as a happy expression 
describes this harmony between nature and culture. But culture, with the growth of all subconscious activity and of expanding 
consciousness and knowledge, becomes more and more intellectual, and ultimately engenders not creative tension but, in fact, discord. 
In this way, reason and understanding are divorced from race and nature and released from the bonds of blood. The ensuing generation 
falls victim to the individualistic system of intellectual absolutes, and separates itself more and more from its natural environment, 
mixing itself with alien blood. It is through this desecration of the blood that personality, people, race and culture perish. None who have 
disregarded the religion of the blood have escaped this nemesis — neither the Indians nor the Persians, neither the Greeks nor the 
Romans. Nor will Nordic Europe escape if it does not call a halt, turning away from bloodless absolutes and spiritually empty delusions, 
and begin to hearken trustingly once again to the subtle welling up of the ancient sap of life and values. 

Once we recognise the awesome conflict between blood and environment and between blood and blood as the ultimate phenomenon 
beyond which we are not permitted to probe, a new and, in every respect, richly coloured picture of human history becomes manifest. 
This recognition at once brings with it the knowledge that the struggle of the blood and the intuitive awareness of life's mystique are 
simply two aspects of the same thing. Race is the image of soul. The entire racial property is an intrinsic value without relationship to 
material worshippers who apprehend only discrete events in time and space, without experiencing these events as the greatest and most 
profound of all secrets. 

Racial history is therefore simultaneously natural history and soul mystique. The history of the religion of the blood, however, is 
conversely the great world story of the rise and fall of peoples, their heroes and thinkers, their inventors and artists. 

Today, historical vision can see deeper into the past than was imaginable at an earlier time. The monuments of all peoples now lie 
spread out before us, excavations of the very oldest examples of pictorial art allow a comparison of the driving forces of cultures, the 
myths from Iceland to Polynesia have been collected, the treasures of the Mayans in great part unearthed. In addition, modern geology 
enables us to draw maps as things were tens of thousands of years ago. Underwater exploration has raised solid masses of lava from 
great depths of the Atlantic Ocean, the summits of suddenly submerged mountains in whose valleys cultures had once arisen before 
one — or many — frightful catastrophes destroyed them. Geographers depict for us continental masses between North America and 
Europe whose fragments we see in Iceland and Greenland. On Novaya Zemyla, in one area of the far north, old water lines are revealed 
more than 100 metres above the present ones. These suggest that the north pole has shifted and that a much milder climate once 
prevailed in the Arctic. All in all, the old legends of Atlantis may appear in a new light. It seems far from impossible that in areas over 
which the Atlantic waves roll and giant icebergs float, a flourishing continent once rose above the waters, and upon it a creative race 
produced a far reaching culture and sent its children out into the world as seafarers and warriors. But even if this Atlantis hypotheses 
should prove untenable, a prehistoric Nordic cultural centre must still be assumed. 

We have long since been forced to abandon the theory of an identical origin of myths, art, and religious forms among all peoples. 
On the contrary, the strongly substantiated proof of the frequent travelling of Sagas from people to people, and their taking root among 
many different groups, shows that the majority of basic myths have a fixed point of radiation — their place of creation. Thus, in their 
outward form, they are only comprehensible on the basis of a completely distinct point of origin, and the migrations of races also 
become a certainty in the most prehistoric times. The solar myth, with all its ramifications, did not arise spontaneously as a stage of 
general development, but was born where the appearance of the sun must have been a cosmic event of profoundest significance, that is, 
in the far north. Only there would the year be sharply divided into two halves, and only there would the sun represent a certainty in 
man's innermost being of the life renewing, primal creative substance of the world. And so today the long derived hypotheses becomes a 
probability, namely that from a northern centre of creation which, without postulating an actual submerged Atlantic continent, we may 

The Myth of the 20th Century 6 



call Atlantis, swarms of warriors once fanned out in obedience to the ever renewed and incarnate Nordic longing for distance to conquer 
and space to shape. 

These currents of Atlantic men moved by water in their swan and dragon ships into the Mediterranean and to Africa; by land over 
central Asia to Kucha, perhaps even to China; over north Africa to the south of our own continent. 

Ahura Mazda says to Zoroaster: Only once in the year does one see the rising and setting of stars and sun and moon; and the 
inhabitants hold to be a day, what is a year. This must be for the Persian god of light a distant memory of the Nordic homeland, for only 
in the far north do day and night each last six months. 

The Mahabharata reports of the Indian hero, Arjuna, that during his visit to the mountain of Meru, the sun and moon daily passed 
around from left to right. Such an idea could never have originated in the tropical south, for only in the far north does the sun disc roll 
along the horizon. A prayer is also addressed to the Indian Adityas: May the long darkness not come over us, and it is complained of 
bright Agni that he had tarried too much in the long darkness, all of which can only be attributed to the long Hyperborean night. 

Together with these primeval Aryan Atlantic memories appear those cult allegories, costumes, carvings which are understandable 
only in terms of Nordic origin. In predynastic Egypt, we find the Nordic boat with its swan neck and trefoil. But the rowers are the later 
ruling Amorites, already recognised by Sayce as fair skinned and blue eyed. They once traversed north Africa as strictly homogeneous 
hunter clans which gradually subdued the entire land. They then migrated somewhat further, across Syria and toward the future site of 
Babylon. The Berbers, among whom even today one finds light skins and blue eyes, do not go back to the Vandal invasions of the fifth 
century A.D., but to the prehistoric Atlantic Nordic human wave. The Kabyle huntsmen, for example, are to no small degree still wholly 
Nordic (thus the blond Berbers in the region of Constantinople form 10 % of the population; at Djebel Sheshor they are even more 
numerous). The ruling stratum of the ancient Egyptians reveals significantly finer features than the subject people. These Hamites are 
apparently a crossbreed of the Atlanteans and the negroid aboriginal population. Suddenly, around 2400 B.C., there appear reliefs of 
men with fair skin, reddish blond hair and blue eyes, those blond Libyans of whom Pausanias later reports. In the tomb paintings at 
Thebes, we find four races of Egypt represented: Asiatics, negroids, Libyans, and Egyptians. The last are depicted with reddish 
pigmentation; the Libyans, on the other hand, are always shown bearded, with blue eyes and white skins. Pure Nordic types are shown 
on a grave of the Senye dynasty, in the woman on the pylon of Horemheb at Karnak, by the swanboat people on the temple relief at 
Medinet Habu, and by the Tsakkarai who founded Phoenician sea travel. Light skinned men with golden hair are shown on the tombs at 
Medinet Gurob. In the most recent excavations in 1927 in the mastabas at the pyramid of Cheops, the Princess and Queen Meres Aneh 
(2633-2564) were found depicted with blond hair. Queen Nitokris, legendary and surrounded by myths, is likewise always said to have 
been blonde. 

All these are racial memories of a prehistoric Nordic tradition in north Africa. 

The Amorites founded Jerusalem, and they formed the Nordic weft in later Galilee, that is, in the pagan region whence Jesus is said 
to have come. The Amorites were then augmented by the Philistines, who also brought to Syria hitherto unknown Nordic ship designs, 
with axe and trefoil as the stem symbols. 

It is still uncertain where the prehistoric homeland of the Nordic race lies. As the south Atlanteans swarmed over north Africa and 
southern Asia, so the north Atlanteans must have carried the sun god from Europe to Mesopotamia, even to the Sumerians, whose yearly 
calendar had once begun on the day of the winter solstice. The most recent investigations in Iceland and Scotland indicate a possible 
stone age immigration. The ancient Irish ideal of beauty was of milk white skin and blond hair. This was abandoned later with the arrival 
of a dark, round headed race. 

Much remains obscure. Perhaps only future investigation will be able to establish whether the oldest of cult symbols — the first rock 
drawings of the stone age — were also the basis for the predynastic Egyptian linear script, and that other scripts in the world are also 
derived from this Atlantic symbolism. Whatever the results of future research, however, nothing can alter the one supreme fact that the 
march of world history has radiated from the north over the entire planet, determining in vast successive waves the spiritual face of the 
world — influencing it even in those cases where it was to be halted. 

These migration periods — the legendary march of the Atlanteans across north Africa, Persia and India, followed by the Dorians, 
Macedonians, and Italic tribes; the diffusion of the Germanic folkish migration — culminated in the colonising of the world by the 
Germanic west. 

When the first great Nordic wave rolled over the high mountains into India, it had already passed through many hostile races. 
Instinctively, as it were, the Indoaryans separated themselves from the dark alien peoples they encountered. The institution of caste was 
the outcome of this instinctive aversion. Varna means caste, but it also means colour. The fair Aryans thus linked themselves to an 
acceptable image of the human type, and created a gulf between themselves as conquerors and the black brown natives of pre Aryan 
India. According to this opposition of blood and blood, the Aryans evolved a worldview which, for depth and range, cannot be surpassed 
by any philosophy even today, although admittedly this was only after a long battle against the constantly intruding ideas of the racially 
inferior aborigines. The period, for example, which lies between the heroic songs of the Vedas and that of the Upanishads is one both of 
expansion and of a simultaneous struggle against sorcery and degenerate ecstasies. The sacrificial cult of spirits and gods had begun to 
infiltrate. The priest, with his sacred ladle and firebrand, was not immune to these magical ideas. Every touch of the hand, every gesture, 
acquired a mystical significance. As Deussen established, ritualism developed between the mythological and the philosophical periods. 
Prayer, which with the true Brahman was only a powerful elevation of the heart, became an incantation to compel the gods by magic. In 
the midst of this murky process, the Atman doctrine appeared to light a ray of hope. It was not an act of psychological development, 
which would be utterly meaningless (even Deussen does not attempt to explain it) but represented a new awakening of the Aryan soul in 
the face of the superstitious and magical beliefs of the subjugated non Aryans. This interpretation is at once confirmed when it is 
established that the great doctrine of the personal value of the spirit — devoid of magic and the demonic — originated in the courts of the 
kings, and was diffused from the warrior caste. Although the Brahmans were later to become the teachers of the new idea of the essential 
oneness of the world soul and the individual soul, they were never able to conceal the origin of the new concept. Thus it comes about 

The Myth of the 20th Century 7 



that instruction concerning Atman is given by King Ajatactru to the Brahman Gargya Balake; by the war god Sanatkumara, to the 
Brahman Narada; by King Pravahna to the Brahman Aruni. Thanks to this aristocratic reassertion, the un Aryan magic cult retreated 
further and further, and did not proliferate once more until later when racial decay overtook even the India of the Kshatriyas. 

As a born master, the Indian felt his individual soul expand into the Atman which pervaded the entire universe and lived within his 
own breast as his innermost self. The concept of an impersonal nature, rich and virtually all provident, could not divorce him from this 
metaphysical union. An active life, which was always demanded as an ineluctable duty of the world renouncing thinker, gave place more 
and more to the aim of journeying into the universe of the soul. This transition to the pure light of knowledge led to the noble attempt to 
overcome nature through reason. There is no doubt that many Indians, as individual personalities and aristocrats, were successful in this 
quest. But for later men only the teaching remained, devoid of its vital racial prerequisite. 

Soon the rich, blood based meaning of Varna was entirely lost. Today it is only a division between technical, professional, and other 
classes, and has degenerated into the vilest travesty of the wisest idea in world history. The later Indian did not comprehend the threefold 
significance of blood, self, and universe. He saw only the last two. And he perished in the attempt at isolated contemplation of the self in 
racial pollution, whose modern products are wretched mongrels, seeking healing for their crippled existence in the waters of the Ganges. 

After he had overcome the polarised ideas of self / universe by a rational choice in favour of the one part, the Indian monist also 
endeavoured to eliminate the antithesis between them, and violently to attain freedom through nature and master nature through 
freedom. He, therefore, was inclined to regard race and personality as being aspects of a higher concept and as illusory. The late Indian 
monist came to see nature as something unreal — an evil dream. The only reality for him is the world soul (Brahman) and its eternal 
reoccurrence in the individual soul (Atman). With this turning away from nature in general, the once clear idea and concept of race 
became ever more hazy. Philosophic dogma uprooted instinct from its earthly basis. If the only reality is the world soul, and if Atman is 
essentially one with it, then individuality vanishes and an undifferentiated universal oneness is achieved. 

The result was that Indian thought ceased to be creative. It grew rigid. The alien blood of the swarthy Sudras, who were now 
thought of as equally valuable bearers of Atman, seeped in. Thus was destroyed the original concept of the identity of caste and race. 
Bastardisation was inevitable. Serpent and phallic cults of the aborigines began to flourish and spread. Symbolic interpretations of the 
hundred armed Shiva, like creeping vines in the primeval forest, begin to appear in a horrible, bastard art. Only at the courts of the kings 
were the old heroic songs still heard, and the lyricism of such as Kalidasa and other, mostly unknown, poets still honoured. 

Cankara attempted a new refurbishing of Indian philosophy. But it was in vain. Through too deep an intake of breath, the arteries of 
the race were ruptured. Aryan blood flowed out and trickled away. Only here and there, where the dark soil of ancient India sucks it up, 
does it still fertilise. But it leaves only a cultivated philosophical and technical orthodoxy which, in its later insane distortion, rules 
Hindu life today. 

We must not short sightedly assert that the Indian first polluted his race and then surrendered his personality. It is rather the case that 
a metaphysical process took place, and that this was manifested in a passionate yearning for the abolition of dualism as well as the 
reciprocally conditioning lower forms of polarity. 

Viewed from the outside, philosophical acceptance of an equation of Atman Brahman engendered racial decay. In other cultures, 
this decay was not consequent upon the establishment of a pervasive philosophy, but was, simply, the result of uninterrupted 
miscegenation among two or more races. In such cases the essential characteristics of the various races were neither elevated nor 
strengthened, but ended in mutual annihilation. 

From the sixth century B.C. on, Iran underwent a vast expansion by the Aryan Persians. Under Arshama, there arose one of the 
greatest personalities of Indoeuropean history, Spitama (Zoroaster, or Zarathustra). Concerned about the fate of the Aryan minority, he 
developed an idea which is only now beginning to revive in the Nordic west — protecting the race by endogamy within kin. But since the 
Aryan ruling aristocracy were sparsely scattered, Zoroaster tried to reinforce this imperative by creating an ideologically bound 
community of faith. Ahura Mazda, the eternal god of light, became a cosmic idea — the divine protector of Aryans everywhere. He had 
no special abode or temple like the gods of the orient and even of later Rome. He was simply the holy whiteness of perfection. His 
enemy is the dark Ahriman who is locked in struggle with him for world domination. This is a truly Nordic Aryan concept of Zoroaster. 
In this struggle, we must fight on the side of Ahura Mazda (just as the Einheriar in Valhalla would fight for Odin against the Fenris Wolf 
and the Midgard Serpent). Man must not, therefore, withdraw into world renouncing contemplation and asceticism. He must see himself 
as the struggling bearer of a world preserving idea; he must arouse and arm all the creative powers of the human soul. Whether as a 
thinker or an active creator, man must always serve what is highest. Wherever he goes, he serves the creative principle — when he sows 
and reaps; when he is true to himself; when he considers a handshake as an inviolable oath. The Vendidat epitomises all this in the 
sublime words: Whoever sows grain, sows saintliness. 

But struggling man is surrounded by evil and temptation. To be able to oppose these forces successfully, Zoroaster invokes the 
Aryan blood which calls upon every Persian to serve the god of light. After death, good and evil are separated forever. In a final 
struggle, Ahura Mazda defeats Ahriman and constructs his kingdom of peace. For a time, the Persians derived great strength from this 
splendid religious epic. But in spite of such an heroic attempt, the dilution of Aryan blood in Asia could not be stemmed, and the great 
kingdom of the Persians declined. Yet the spirit of Zoroaster and his Myth continued to influence the greater world. The Jews adopted 
Ahriman as Satan, and evolved their own entirely artificial system of racial admixture out of a Persian system devised to preserve racial 
purity. This was combined with an obligation ridden religious law which was, of course, wholly Jewish. The Christian church 
appropriated the Persian idea of a saviour as a prince of peace — the Caoshiahc, although adulterated with the Jewish idea of a messiah. 
Today, in the heart of northern Europe, there has awakened to heightened consciousness the same racial soul idea which was taught by 
Zoroaster. Nordic self awareness and Nordic racial discipline are the answer today to the Levantine east, which has diffused itself 
throughout Europe in the form of Jewry and varieties of faceless ecumenicalism. 

Persian culture was a grafting upon a Semitic oriental trunk. As the commerce and money power of the lower races began to gain 
for them material influence, power, and honours, the graft began to decompose. The kin marriage imperative was forgotten, and the 

The Myth of the 20th Century 8 



equalising of all races necessarily led to bastardisation. 

Cut into the rock walls of Begistun on the order of a great Persian emperor are the words: 

I, Darius, the great king, king of kings, of Aryan race 

Today, the Iranian mule driver passes, uncomprehendingly, by this wall; a sign to the multitude that personality is born and dies 
with the race. 

Most beautifully of all was the dream of Nordic man made manifest in Hellas. Wave upon wave came from the Danube valley and 
overlaid the earlier population of mixed Aryan and non Aryan immigrants, bringing fresh creative powers. The ancient Mycenaean 
culture of the Achaeans was predominantly Nordic in character. Next, Dorian tribes stormed anew the citadels of the racially alien 
aborigines, subjugating them and overthrowing the dominion of the legendary Phoenician Semitic King Minos. Until then, he had been 
master of all the area which was to be known in later times as Hellas. 

As sturdy masters and warriors, the Hellenic tribes supplanted the decaying civilisation of the Levantine traders, and with the labour 
of the subjugated races, constructed an incomparable creative culture. Great sagas were carved in stone, and leisure time devoted to the 
composition and singing of immortal tales of the heroes. A true, aristocratic constitution proscribed any miscegenation. The Nordic 
strength, though reduced by chronic warfare, was continually refreshed by further immigration. Dorians, and then Macedonians, 
protected the creative blond blood up to the time when these tribes, too, were exhausted, and the vastly more numerous forces of the 
near east infiltrated through a thousand channels, poisoned Hellas and, in place of the ancient Greeks, produced the effete Levantines 
who share only the name with their predecessors. The Hellenes have vanished forever; only dead images in stone, only a few isolated 
remnants remain to proclaim the glorious racial soul which once created Pallas Athena and Apollo. 

The Nordic's absolute rejection of magical forms is never more clearly shown than in the religious values of Greece, which are still 
too little heeded. When scholars do happen to touch on the religious aspects of the Hellenes, they only interest themselves in the periods 
of introverted contemplation, when the Greek was already divided within himself and vacillated between his own natural values and 
those of alien and exotic origin. 

But it was the earlier age of Homeros, confident in its destiny, which was a period of true religion. For this, our nineteenth 
century — another age of decline — had no real empathy. The Homeric golden age was not tormented yet with ethical problems. The 
figures of Apollo, Pallas Athena, sky father Zeus, were deifications of the truest religious feeling. Golden haired Apollo was the 
guardian and preserver of everything noble and inspired — order, harmony, artistic balance. Apollo was the dawn of day, at once the 
protector of inner vision and of the gift of sight. He was the god of song and of rhythmic movement; not, however, of frenzied dance. 
The swan, originating in the north, was sacred to him, a symbol of his own bright majesty. And in the manner of the south, the palm was 
also dedicated to him. On the Delphian temples are engraved the words: 

Nothing in excess 

and 

Know Yourself 

— two Homeric Apollonian credos. 

Next to Apollo stood Pallas Athena, symbol of lightning, sprung from the head of Zeus, the blue eyed daughter of the Thunderer. 
She was the goddess of wisdom and prudent guardian of the destiny of the Hellenes. 

These creations of the Greek soul exemplify the upright and still pure life of the Nordic. In the highest sense, they are religious 
postulates which proclaim confidence in the Nordic character and in the deities who, ingenuously, reveal themselves as well disposed 
towards men. Homeros offers neither polemic nor dogma, says Erwin Rohde, and in this single sentence Rohde has defined the very 
essence of true religion. This profound student of the Hellenic nature adds: Homeros has little interest in omens and ecstasies, lacking 
any taste for such. It is the moderation of a superior race which resounds from every page of the Iliad, and echoes in all the temples of 
Hellas. But beneath this creative level, there lurked and proliferated Pelasgian, Phoenician, Alpine, and, later, Levantine values. 
Continually, in proportion to the strengths of these races, their gods intruded. If the gods of the Greeks were heroes of light and heaven, 
the gods of the Levant were of the earth. Demeter, Hermes and others are essential creations of the alien racial soul. Pallas Athena is a 
warrior protectress of the life struggle: the Pelasgian Ares is a monster dripping blood, Apollo is the god of the lyre and song: Dionysos 
(at least in his non Aryan aspect) is the god of ecstasy and frenzied lust. 

For the past two hundred years we have struggled over an interpretation of the Greek world. From Winckelmann by way of German 
classicism up to Preller and Voss came the adoration of light, of what is open to the world, of what can be clearly seen. Gradually, 
however, this line of inquiry loses impetus — its curve becomes flatter and flatter. Thinkers and artists became isolated objects of study, 
divorced from blood and soil. Attempts were made to explain and to critique Greek tragedy as products of an individual's psychology. 
Homeros was understood only in a formal aesthetic manner. Late Hellenic rationalism was called upon to grace bloodless academic 
journalism. The other school — the Romantic movement — busied itself with the spiritual undercurrents which appear at the end of the 
Iliad, in the festivals for the dead, in the actions of the Erinyes (as described by Aeschylos). Romanticism delved into the souls of the 
chthonic countergods opposed to the Olympian Zeus. Proceeding from death and its riddles, it came to revere the female principle — 
especially Demeter — and it ended with the god of the dead, with Dionysos. Welcker, Rohde, and Nietzsche all allude to Mother Earth as 
the formless procreator into whose womb all expiring life returns. With shuddering awe, the great German Romantic movement sensed 
darker and darker veils interposed before the gods of celestial light, and it immersed itself deeper and deeper into the impulsive, 
formless, demonic, sexual, ecstatic and chthonic, and into mother worship. Yet it continued to describe all this as Grecian. 

Now two lines of investigation go their separate ways. Albeit the Greek tribes took on a physically and spiritually alien nature; what 
interests the real researcher is not so much this alloying, which is often only artificial, but the content and form of the dominant element. 
When Jacob Burckhardt says: What they (the Greeks) did and suffered, they did and suffered freely and differently from all earlier 
peoples; they appear as original, spontaneous and wide awake, where with all others mindless necessity more or less prevailed, he 
illumes with the light of the mind the profoundest qualities of the Greek world. Yet, though he refers later to the Hellenes as Aryans, and 

The Myth of the 20th Century 9 



instances other peoples and races, it never again occurs to him that he had uncovered a law of the racial soul. 

Burckhardt describes the Greeks of the fifth and fourth centuries B.C. as complete. The dramatic struggle of races, souls, and gods is 
thereafter lost in an individualistic aggregation of types. In the end, for all the accumulated knowledge, allusions, and intuitions, the 
Greek personality is extinguished. The inner freedom of the ancient Hellenes had waged a struggle against the oppressive brutishness of 
the near east. It was this great drama of an entire people which not only inspired their greatest achievements, but also made the Hellenes 
less fortunate than is commonly believed. If this contradiction in the history of Hellas was interpreted later in other ways, that is because 
the essential basis was ignored. 

According to Baumler, it was Gorres who first attributed a universal polarity in history to the tension between the masculine and 
feminine principles. Bachofen it was, however, who developed and fully formulated this idea, which, in this present era of disintegration 
of all forms and figures, is celebrating its rebirth. 

It was the maternal elements, Night, Earth, Death, which romantic intuition perceived as the undercurrents of ancient Greek life. 
From Etruria, by way of Crete and the depths of Asia Minor, matriarchy became dominant in both custom and law — even in the case of 
the masculine TYRANNIS. As a result there arose the Amazon concept and the hetairai, as well as poetic hymns to the dead and the 
mysteries linked with the earth spirit. Mother figures appear, each representing an aspect of the one great mysterious Earth Mother. They 
are holy and untouchable. If even one mother is slain, the earth itself arises in the shape of the Drinyes demanding blood who give no 
rest until the slayer's blood has been spilled and sucked up by the earth as expiation. There is no question of whether right or wrong rests 
with the mother. A value in itself is represented by each one of them and affords them absolute inviolability. From the mother, the 
daughter inherits property which secures her independence, her name and her rights. Woman appears as the embodiment of the 
immortality of matter, or, more correctly, as the image of the indestructibility of matter as an abstraction. 

So thought the Lycians and the Cretans (who alone used the term Motherland): so thought the Greek islands; so, indeed, thought 
Athens itself until the Nordic Theseus defeated the Amazons before its gates, and a mother was no longer the tutelary deity but the 
motherless and childless virgin, Pallas Athena. 

From the aspect of the world history, the first great and decisive struggle between racial values was decided on Greek soil in favour 
of the Nordic. Thereafter man approached life from the day, from the laws of light and heaven. From the spirit and will of the father 
came everything which we claim for ourselves in the great legacy of Greek culture. 

Thus it is neither true that matriarchy with all its consequences was devoid of any relationship to the people, nor that the new system 
of light was only a later stage of development, in which the dominance of woman persists as what was originally given (Bachofen). This 
one great misunderstanding, despite many accurate insights, clouds all other observation and gives rise to a misunderstanding of the 
whole spiritual development of Greek and Roman antiquity, as well as the deepest spiritual struggles of later western Germanic culture. 

Late Roman, Christian, Egyptian, or Jewish ideas and values have penetrated into the soul of Germanic man and partly destroyed it. 
We shall have to separate the Germanic values from all others if we are not to be false to ourselves, and if we regard history in general 
as a manifestation and product of the struggle to give form to the most personal self. It is deplorable that first Christian, and later 
humanist, values have pushed this view of history more and more into the background, and substituted the dogma of a supposed general 
development of mankind. 

In various guises, an abstraction began to uproot life. The reaction in the form of German romanticism was therefore as welcome as 
rain after a long drought. But in our own era of universal internationalism, it becomes necessary to follow this racially linked 
romanticism to its core, and to free it from certain nervous convulsions which still adhere to it. The Germanic peoples have not 
developed on the basis of some nebulous goal proffered by priests or scholars, but have either asserted themselves, or have disintegrated 
and been subjugated. Similarly, the pre Greek peoples of the Aegean did not develop from the basis of belief in chthonic gods to the sun 
heaven cult of Zeus Apollo. They were submerged after lengthy struggles and, in part, politically subjugated, in part spiritually 
assimilated. Nevertheless, they always waited for moments of weakness among the Nordic Greeks in order to assert once more their old 
values and their old gods. 

Neither climate nor geography nor any other environmental influences are valid as ultimate explanations; for the sun that shone on 
Homeros shone likewise on the worshippers of Isis and Aphrodite. And it continued to shine over the same earth when Greece had 
passed away. 

Before they arrived in Greece, the Hellenes did not view female dominance as the first stage of development. From the cradle, they 
obeyed the law of the father. Had it not been so, the Greek gods would have entered into an easy alliance with the Pelasgian Cretan or 
proto Libyan Egyptian gods in the same manner that the later Greeks rediscovered their own Helios or Hercules in the gods of Aryan 
India. On the contrary, the Greek myths tell of constant struggle and victory. The Hellenes destroy the bloody Amazon rule in Lemnos 
with Iason's raid; they send Bellerophon to wipe out this same rule in Lycia; in the Danaid version of saint Bartholomew's Eve, they 
establish the triumph of Zeus and of the great saviour mediator, Hercules, over the dark tellurian powers of the earth and underworld. 

In contrast, therefore, to Nordic Germanic mythology, Nordic Greek is so richly formed and so manifold (yet nevertheless in all its 
main lines the victory of light over darkness remaining) because the Teutonic Germanic gods had far less resistance to overcome with 
regard to the religious systems of other races. That is why the Iliad is one great paean to the triumph of life and light. Homeros 
understood that death and life are not opposites, but that they mutually condition each other. Goethe, too, was to recognise this. It is birth 
and death which confront each other, but both constitute life. Recognising the necessity of this inner law is also to recognise an 
impersonal destiny — the Moirai. Thetis foresees the death of her son, but she does not pray to Zeus to let him live. She knows that the 
sky, personified in him, is also subject to cosmic law, symbolised in the scales of eternity. 

The Moirai, like the Norns in Teutonic mythology, are female because in woman the impersonal alone rules. She is the passive 
vessel of the law. 

Here again a Nordic value is revealed; Apollo, whom Aeschylos calls destroyer of primeval demons, is the vanquisher of the un 
Nordic cults. The Lycian Glaucos, when Diomedes asks him about his family, says sadly that the generations of man are like the leaves 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 



of a tree. Here is seen the formless and depersonalised pre Greek ideas which persist despite the introduction of Apollonian sun worship 
into Lycia. 

In Greek tragedy, which was born at a time when Greece fought its heaviest battles and shattered its human reserves, the Hellenes 
were compelled to struggle anew against the ancient chthonic forces. This can no longer be expressed in the confident, triumphant words 
of Homeros: 

No, whoever once has died, should be sorrowfully mourned 

For one day, and then buried with a resolute heart. 

Now it takes the form of the most bitter struggle between two world views as expression of two utterly different racial souls. 

Eriphyle betrays her husband for a necklace; the latter is avenged by his son, who kills his mother. The law of the pre Greek does 
not weigh the guilt of the mother. The very earth rises to avenge her shed blood, and the Erinyes drive Alkmaeon to madness. Only the 
advice of Apollo to place his foot on a piece of earth which was still invisible at the time of his mother's slaying, finally saves 
Alkmaeon. He discovers a newly arisen island. 

The conflict of racial souls appears most magnificently in Orestes. Here, in the clearest consciousness, the old and new forces are 
contraposed, and this work becomes a parable for all time. The law of the near east concerning motherhood is not concerned with the 
guilt of Klytemnestra, but dispatches its female agents to exact revenge upon the matricide. 

The guardians of the Nordic ethos stand before Orestes to protect him as the avenger of his murdered father. She was not related by 
blood to the man whom she slew, cry the Erinyes. Apollo answers: It is the father, not the mother, who is the procreator of her children. 
Then Athena, daughter of Zeus, declares: With all my heart I honour everything masculine. However, Athena and Apollo 
magnanimously offer their hand to the defeated powers in a gesture of reconciliation. To appease them, they promise those dwellers 
deep in sunless night the respect of men: 

But I, ever girded for bold struggle in battle for fame 

Will not rest until all the world 

Holds in highest honour my victorious city. 

Thus Aeschylos concludes just as powerfully and conscious of strength as Homeros. 

However, Apollo's magnanimity had the result that the chthonic gods continued their subterranean life. After the later 
miscegenation between the Greeks and the aborigines, neither the chthonic nor the celestial deities appear again in pure form. They 
mingle in the Dionysian rites. Although Dionysos represents the father right, he also becomes the god of the dead upon whom Antigone 
calls. He loses the clear, strong character of Apollo, and becomes effeminate and drunken. Ultimately, he sinks down into all that is 
demonic, Maenadlike, and nocturnal. Even the animals consecrated to this demonic god are dark. Only at night is homage paid. 
Everything Dionysian in Greek life appears as something racially and spiritually alien — and ancient. It is to become the surest sign of 
the psychic deterioration which paralleled the attenuation of the Nordic blood. 

By the flickering light of torches, to the clang of cymbals, accompanied by thumping on drums and the shrilling of flutes, the 
Dionysian celebrants performed their swirling, circling dances. It was mostly the women who whirled about to the point of exhaustion. 
They wore bassars, long flowing garments stitched together from the pelts of foxes. Their hair streamed wildly. Snakes, sacred to 
Sabazios, were held in their hands. They brandished daggers. In this fashion did they rave until they attained the uttermost climax of 
excitement. Then, in their holy madness, they fell upon the animals chosen for sacrifice, clawing and rending the bloody flesh with their 
teeth and swallowing it raw. 

All such rites were diametrically opposed to the ethos of the Greeks. They represented that religion of frenzy (Frobenius) which 
dominated the entire eastern region of the Mediterranean world, and was evolved from the African near eastern races and racial 
mixtures. There is a direct line from the insanely possessed King Saul, through the earthbound intoxication of Dionysos, to the whirling 
dervishes of Islam. The phallus became the symbol of the later Grecian world idea. Thus, what we find relative to art and to life in this 
symbol is not Greek, but the antithesis, that is, near eastern. 

The deities of the near east were everywhere sapping the foundations of the magnificent Hellenic edifice. Thus, for example, the 
primeval earth god Poseidon, repelled by Athena: he dwells in the ground under her temple in the form of a serpent; he is the fortress 
snake of the Acropolis who is fed each month with honey cake (Pauly Wissowa). The Pelasgian python dragon is also buried at Delphi 
under the temple of Apollo. Every eight years the slaying of this dragon was enacted before Apollo. This is the same place as the burial 
of Dionysos. 

But the Nordic Theseus did not manage to slay all the monsters of the near east. At the first signs of the weakening of Aryan blood, 
they arose again and again as monsters combining the bestial with the physical robustness of oriental men. 

So vital is this knowledge to the proper understanding of both mythology and world history that it is also desirable here to follow the 
great clash of racial souls where the victory of the Nordic Apollonian light principle (Pindar speaks of Danai with blond locks) was only 
temporary, and the old forces reasserted themselves in many hybrid forms. 

This spiritual bastardisation was naturally furthest advanced in Asia Minor, in Colchis, and in some of the islands. There, the ruling 
Greek stratum was very thin and could not defend itself forever against chthonic multitudes. 

These great and lengthy struggles were naturally condensed in saga and myth, as in the story of the Argonauts and the Apollonian 
Iason. They sailed, as the saga tells, before a northern wind — a memory of the Nordic origin of Apollo. From the north is the hero of 
light awaited. 

Everywhere the followers of Iason go — like Greek Vikings — they find confronting them dark, chthonic gods, Amazon rule, and the 
most sensual conception of life. The existence of the Amazons can be easily explained. Roving bands of warriors often left their homes 
for long periods of time. The women who remained behind had to adjust their lives and to learn to defend themselves against attack. If 
their men folk finally returned, they often brought with them strange women, which repeatedly resulted in outbreaks of murder of the 
males. Such a deed, reported of the women of Lemnos, reverberated throughout the whole of Greece as a most horrible crime, and was 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 1 



retold again and again with renewed horror. 

Women, maddened by sexual frustration, fell into unbridled hetairism, a way of life which always appeared when the Apollonian 
principle weakened. Yet initially the victory of the latter was always welcomed, since it laid the first real foundations of a stable 
civilisation. Later, nevertheless, the old impulses rebelled against it. 

It was thus that Iason was received by the Lemnian Hypsipyle; it was thus that he wedded Medea, and contraposed the institution of 
marriage against the systems of the hetairai and the Amazons. Through marriage, the woman, the mother, gained a new and honourable 
status in accordance with the Nordic Apollonian principle, and the nobler, fruitful aspect of the Demeter cult gained ascendancy in a 
manner comparable to the transmogrification of Isis into the Mother of god of the Teuton. But this all disappears wherever Apollo, that 
is, the Greek, failed to maintain his dominion. This side of the story is illustrated by that same Iason who becomes unfaithful to his 
marriage while in Corinth, a city deeply under Phoenician influence. It is also to be seen in the story of Hercules, that enemy of 
matriarchy, who defeats all the Amazons and sweeps across the whole of north Africa as far as the Atlantic, only to fall before Omphale 
in Lydia. 

Thus Apollo could not maintain himself in the east, and the compromise is represented by Dionysian religion. The fair haired Iason 
wears a panther's skin across his shoulders, which symbolises the subordination of the Apollonian by the Dionysian. The emphasis on 
Apollo's radiant virility is melded with hetairalike ecstasy. Dionysos' law of unbridled sexual indulgence signifies the unhindered racial 
mixing between Hellenes and all types and varieties of the near east. The formerly man hating Amazons reappear as crazed Maenads. 
The Apollonian marriage principle is again broken, since the character of Sabazios is wholly oriented toward the female. The male sex 
begins to lose its identity. Men participate in the Dionysian revels, but only dressed as women. 

From this racial pollution of the near east, the bastardy of Dionysos extended itself westward until it dominated the entire 
Mediterranean. In Rome, the Dionysians especially proliferated among the criminal classes. In the second century, the senate, after long 
tolerating this quasireligious cult, felt compelled to repress with great rigour the Bacchic gatherings. About 7,000 perjurers, swindlers, 
and conspirators were banished or executed. Only in Hellas itself did the radiant Apollonian principle, mastering chaos, still prevail. 

Thus Dionysos, while he appears in Greek paintings as Hellenic, is effeminate and is surrounded by near eastern satyrs, who also 
appear on grave monuments as screeching grotesqueries of a decadent world. Bachofen sums it up by saying that Apollo invaded Asia, 
but returned as Dionysos. However, what he and others overlook is that Zeus Apollo represented the spiritual imperative of Nordic 
Greek blood, whereas the hetaira lifestyle is an expression of near eastern and African races. The mixing of Mythi and values was 
simultaneously a process of racial bastardisation, and many of the legends of the Greeks are the poetic allegories of the struggle between 
different racially determined souls. 

This near eastern African underworld is revealed most vividly in the historically attested figure of Pythagoras. He is said to have 
travelled throughout Babylonia and to India. He himself is described as a Pelasgian, and he did in fact practice his mysteries in Asia 
Minor, joined by ecstatic mystical women. He was unable to gain credence in Greece proper. Aristoteles and Heraclitos referred to him 
derogatorily, and were plainly resentful of his mathematical cabalism. Aristoteles said that Pythagoras' fame was based on his 
appropriation of alien spiritual values. This was also the opinion of Heraclitos, who said that Pythagoras had woven together a false art 
and charlatanry from various writings. A pretence at universal knowledge, said the Hellenic sage, does not instruct the spirit. 

So Pythagoras moved to the west, to southern Italy, where, like some ancient blend of Rudolf Steiner and Annie Besant, he set up 
his school of mysteries complete with priestesses. He was regarded throughout the entire African littoral — whence came the collectivist 
sexual mysteries of the Egyptian Karpokrates to his aid — as the wisest of the wise. Universal equality is once again promoted in the 
form of democratic ecumenicalism. Women and property are held in common, although this had been the basis of non Nordic 
Mediterranean ideas when Apollo first battled against them. 

It cannot be emphasised too often that such assertions, as the end of human development will again bring back the earliest animal 
state, represent a grotesque error. This is all the more certain when, like a lightning flash, we see that the Pythagorean cult can be traced 
back to pre Hellenic peoples. Further confusion follows, however, by statements to the effect that the Hellenes had wrested themselves 
free from the chthonic substance — as though they had been embedded in the latter! 

The dramatic creation of Greece took place on two levels. On one level there is an organic evolution of substance — from nature 
symbolism, crowned with the gods of light and the heavens, to Zeus, father of the gods; and on the other, from the mystical artistic level 
to the dramatic artistic recognition of the spiritual essences, and finally, to the intellectual system of Platon, which was a philosophical 
perception of what had already been developed in myth. 

This entire development, however, stands in continuous conflict with other mythical and intellectual systems, the products of alien 
blood. In part ennobled by fusion with the Greeks, nevertheless such systems eventually welled up on all sides. As products of the 
Nilotic swamps, the waters of Asia Minor, and the deserts of Libya, they were hostile to the Nordic ethos of the Greeks, and sought to 
pervert, falsify, and destroy its vital character. 

This must not be mistaken for an explosion of natural tensions within an organic whole. It was rather a struggle between hostile 
racial souls to which we bear awed witness even today when we observe the ruin of Hellas with clear eyes. Our own blood dictates 
where our own loyalties lie, and only bloodless pedagogues can prate here about the parity of two great principles. 

With infinite sadness we watch the epiphenomena of the psychic racial decline of the Homeric Greeks who once, in the proud words 
of the poet, entered the arena of world history: Always to be first, and always to press forward. We watch the Greek become a 
participant in racial spiritual decay, wearing himself out in the struggle against what is alien, as well as against his own disintegrating 
essence. The great Theognis complains that money mixes the blood of the noble with that of the ignoble, and that in this way race, which 
is strictly protected among asses and horses, becomes polluted among men. In the Gorgias Platon vainly makes Kallikles proclaim the 
wisest of messages: The law of nature demands that the higher breeds rule over the lower. To be sure, our (Athenian) laws were 
different. In accordance with them the strongest and most virtuous would be caught like young lions, to be corrupted by magical songs 
and trickery. If a true hero should again appear, he would trample down all these magical rites and advance radiantly forward by a 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 2 



natural right. 

But this yearning for a hero was in vain; money, and with it the subhumans, had already triumphed over blood. Lacking sure 
instinct, the Hellene began to devote himself to trade, politics and sophistries, rejecting on one day what he had praised on the day 
before. Sons no longer respected their fathers; slaves from all over the world agitated for freedom; sexual equality was proclaimed. 
Symbolic of this democracy — as Platon scornfully remarked — asses and horses began to push aside men who stood in their way. As 
warfare depleted the race, newcomers were admitted to citizenship. Foreign barbarians became Athenians, much as in our era eastern 
Jews become Germans. Thus Isokrates, lamenting, remarked that after the Egyptian expedition of 458 B.C., those noble families which 
had survived the Persian War were annihilated. But call not that city happy which gathers its citizens willy nilly from all ends of the 
earth, but only that one which best preserves the race of its founders. Similarly the sad utterance of Jacob Burckhardt: From the 
inception of democracy, they were seized by an impulse to persecute without limit all superior individuals. It was the usual hatred of 
talent. However this democracy was not the rule of the people but the dominion of the near east over the Greek tribes, whose manpower 
and strength were being rapidly dissipated. It was the rule of the now uninhibited scum over the hoplites who were no longer sustained 
by a racially kindred peasantry, and had become effete. Demagogues without conscience incited the masses against Athens in order to be 
able to denounce them later. However, when the Athenians came, there was a mass flight from the threatened cities, and supine 
surrender to the advancing imperial power. The cry was: If we had not declined so quickly, we should have perished. In a frenzied effort 
to rebuild the land, the chaotic democracy instituted amnesties, cancellation of obligations and land redistribution. In doing so, it only 
became more effete than ever. 

The city states exhausted themselves in bloody economic wars, or became desolate and empty, as the Hellenes migrated to all parts 
of the known world. There they either fertilised barbarian soil with Greek culture, or suffered further decline and ultimate annihilation. 
Where flourishing cities had once stood and gleaming temples, where the free Greeks had once competed in the arenas, later travellers 
found only desolation, a depopulated land, fallen pillars. Empty pedestals gave mute testimony to the gods and heroes whose statues had 
once stood upon them. By Plutarchos's time, scarcely 3,000 hoplites could still be mustered. Dion Chrysostomos reported that the 
ancient Greek type had become a very rare phenomenon. Does not the Peneus stream through an empty Thessalia, and the Ladon flow 
through a devastated Arcadia? Are there any cities more abandoned than Croton, Metapontum, and Tarentum? Thus did Hysiai, Tiryns, 
Asine and Orneai lie in ruins. The temple of Zeus at Nemea had fallen; even the port of Nauplia was abandoned. Of Lakedaemon' s 
hundred cities, there remained only thirty villages. Pausanias described the ruins of Dorion and Andania in Mykenai. Of Pylos only ruins 
remained, of Letrinoi only a few dwellings. Megalopolis, Great City, was now only a great desolation. Only a few wretched traces could 
be found of Mantinea, Orchomenos, Heraia, Maenalos, Kynaitha, and so on. Of Lykosura only the city walls still stood; of Oresthasion 
only temple pillars. The acropolis of Asea was destroyed except for some fragments of wall. Daphnos, Augeia, Calliaros, once praised 
by Homeros, were torn down. Orleanos was dust. The jewels of Hellas, Kaledonia and Pleuron, were obliterated. Delos was so 
devastated that when Athens dispatched a guard to the temple there, they constituted the sole inhabitants. 

And yet even in his deepening twilight, the Greek had stemmed the incursion of Asia and scattered his own brilliant gifts all over 
the world, gifts which inspired the Nordic Romans, and later became the greatest heritage of the Germanic west. In spite of the sacrifice 
of the Greeks, therefore, Apollo may be credited with the first great victory of Nordic Europeans, for after him there emerged from the 
Hyperborean fastnesses new bearers of the same values of freedom of soul and spirit, of organic shaping and questing creativity. For a 
long time the Roman sword repelled the reinforced near eastern spectre. More rigorously and consciously, Rome nurtured the patriarchal 
principle. It thereby strengthened the idea of the state as such and of marriage as the prerequisite of national and racial preservation. 
Finally, in time, Germania (in a new form) became the representative of the god of the heavens. 

The history of Rome essentially parallels that of Hellas, although it is set against a greater expanse of territory and a larger political 
power structure. Rome, too, was established by a Nordic folkish wave which poured into the fertile valleys to the south of the Alps long 
before the Gauls and the Teutons. It broke the dominion of the Etruscans, that mysterious and alien near eastern people. Presumably this 
wave blended with the still pure indigenous tribes of the Mediterranean race, producing a hybrid character of the greatest toughness and 
tenacity which combined nimbleness of intellect with the iron energy of masters, farmers and heroes. Ancient Rome, about which 
history tells us little, became a true folkish state through sound breeding, and was united in the struggle against the whole of orientalism. 
All the brains and strengths, which would be squandered later when Rome engaged in world conflicts, were formed and banked, as it 
were, in this prehistoric period. The three hundred ruling noble families supplied the 300 senators, and from them came also the 
provincial governors and the senior army officers. Encircled by the maritime races of the near east, Rome was often compelled to defend 
itself ruthlessly with the GLADIVS. 

The destruction of Carthage was a deed of superlative import in racial history: by it even the later cultures of central and western 
Europe were spared the infection of this Phoenician pestilence. World history might well have taken a very different course had the 
obliteration of Carthage been accompanied by a total annihilation of all the other Semitic Jewish centres in the near east. The act of Titus 
came too late. By then, the near eastern parasite was no longer centred in Jerusalem, but had already spread its strongest tentacles from 
Egypt and Hellas to Rome itself, to which city everyone possessed of ambition and greedy for profit was drawn. There they made every 
effort to buy the acquiescence of the sovereign, self governing people with bribes and promises. As a result of alien racial immigration, 
there arose from a previously legitimate popular electorate — peers with common roots — a degraded mass of characterless human rabble, 
a permanent threat to the state. Cato stood as a lonely rock in the midst of this quagmire. As praetor of Sardinia, consul in Spain, and 
finally censor in Rome, he fought against corruption, usury and extravagance. In this he resembled Cato the elder who, after a fruitless 
struggle to stem the utter decay of the state, threw himself upon his own sword. Such a deed has been called old Roman. Indeed it was. 
But old Roman is synonymous with Nordic. In later times, when the Germans offered their services to weak, degenerate emperors who 
were surrounded by impure bastards, the same spirit of honour and loyalty lived within them as had once lived in the ancient Romans. 
The Emperor Vitellius, a poltroon without equal, was dragged from his hiding place to the forum, a rope around his neck. His German 
bodyguard refused to surrender and spurned the offer of absolution from their oaths. They were slain to the last man. The same Nordic 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 3 



spirit possessed the German which had dwelled in Cato. It is the spirit we saw in Flanders in 1914, in the Coronel Islands, and for years 
in all quarters of the globe. 

By the middle of the fifth century B.C., the first step towards chaos had been taken. Mixed marriages between patricians and 
plebeians were made legal. Racial mixing thus became for Rome, as it had for Persia and Hellas, the seed of ultimate decay of folk and 
state. In 336, the first plebeians had pushed their way into the Roman assembly, and by about 300 into the priesthood. In 287, the 
plebeian popular assembly had become a state institution. Traders and moneylenders pushed their interests. Ambitious, renegade 
patricians like the Gracchi espoused democratic causes — motivated perhaps by mistaken generosity. Others, like Publius Claudius, 
placed themselves openly at the head of the Roman city mob. 

In these chaotic times, a few men still held true: The powerful, blue eyed Sulla, the pure Nordic Augustus. But they could not turn 
the tide. And so it was that control of the masses of the vast Roman Empire came to depend, like a monstrous game of chance, upon 
control of the praetorian guard, or the adherence of a mob of hungry clients. Sometimes a great man would arise; sometimes a 
bloodthirsty monster. Rome's initial treasure house of racial strength was exhausted by four hundred years of democracy, destructive of 
race. The Caesares came now from the provinces. Traianus was the first Spaniard to wear the purple; Hadrianus was the second. 
Caesares were now adopted as a last ditch attempt to save the situation. Since reliance could no longer be placed on bloodlines, it was 
felt that only personal selection could ensure the continuity of the state. 

The values held by Marcus Aurelius, another Spaniard, were already enervated by Christian influences. He openly elevated the 
protection of slaves, the emancipation of women, and doles to the poor (what we call unemployment benefit) to official state policies. 
He also disenfranchised the PATERFAMILIAS, which had been the strongest tradition in republican Rome, and which was the last 
remaining source of type formation. 

There followed Septimius Severus, an African. Pay the soldiers well and scorn everyone else, he advised his sons, Caracalla and 
Geta. Influenced by his Syrian mother, (daughter of a priest of Baal in Asia Minor), Caracalla, the most loathsome bastard ever to sit on 
the throne of the Caesares, declared that all free inhabitants of the Roman empire were citizens of Rome (212 A.D.). 

So perished the Roman world. Macrinus next murdered Caracalla and became Caesar himself. After he was murdered in turn, he 
was succeeded by the monster Elagabalus, nephew of the African Severus. In the midst of all this appeared the half German Maximinus 
Thrax and Philippus the Arab (a Semite). The senate seats became mostly lounging spots for non Romans. The culture of this period was 
supplied by the Spaniard Martialis and the Greeks Plutarchos, Strabon, Dion Cassios, and the rest. Apollodoros, who rebuilt the forum, 
was another Greek. Included in this last category was Aurelianus, an Illyrian born in Belgrade. There was also Diocletianus, son of an 
Illyrian slave (perhaps of partly German ancestry). Constantius Chlorus was of Illyrian origin, though of superior stock. After his death, 
the soldiers chose a truly powerful man to bear the title of Augustus. This was Constantinus, the son of Constantius Chlorus and a 
barmaid from Bithynia. Constantinus triumphed over all his rivals. With Constantinus the history of imperial Rome ends and that of 
papal and Germanic Rome begins. 

In this sea of bewildering diversity, Roman, Syrian, African and Greek elements were intermingled. The gods and the ceremonies of 
all lands found a place in the venerable forum. There the priest of Mithras sacrificed bulls, latter day Greeks prayed to Helios, 
astrologers and oriental sorcerers touted their miracles. The Emperor Elagabalus harnessed six white horses to a gigantic meteorite and 
had this dragged through the streets of Rome as a manifestation of Baal of Emesa. He himself danced at the head of the procession. 
Behind him were dragged the old gods, and the people of Rome applauded. The senators abased themselves. Street singers, barbarians, 
and stable lads became senators and consuls — until Elagabalus, too, was strangled and thrown into the Tiber, that final resting place of 
so many thousands for two millennia. 

Even if we had lacked the more recent racial historical investigation, we should have been compelled to endorse this interpretation 
of the Roman past, because in the course of studying ancient Roman customs, myths, and definitions of law and the state in all areas, we 
see that the very ancient values which were associated with Africa and the near east, suddenly or gradually transformed into their 
opposites (even when retaining their old nomenclature). 

Thus our learned historians have ascertained — and they are still doing so — that in north and central Italy lived the Etruscans, 
Sabines, Oscans, Sabellians, Aequi, and Samnites, whereas in the south were the Phoenicians, Sicilians, Greek traders and settlers, and 
various near eastern peoples. Suddenly — how and why is not explained — a conflict broke out against one section of these tribes, their 
gods and goddesses, their concepts of law, their political pretensions. No mention is made of the new factor in this upheaval, or if it is 
mentioned, it is without any inquiry into its real nature. The academic world falls back on the threadbare development of humanity 
cliche, which apparently rose up in the service of ennoblement. At this point the fact collectors are at one with the romantic school of 
mythologists; both agreeing that the Etruscans certainly possessed a higher culture than the bucolic Latins. 

Since this version of a sudden, almost magical, leap toward a higher spiritual level and superior forms of social organisation 
eventually became discredited, even newer interpreters of history invented the theory known as cyclic culture. This new doctrine was 
just as vacuous as the theory of universal development, which has validity only in the mind of the academic or the priest. There was as 
little mention of the creators of this cultural revolution as there was of evolution in the writings of nineteenth century popes. Out of the 
blue one day, a cultural revolution drops magically upon Indians, Persians, Chinese, or Romans, and effects a total transformation of 
human creatures who had previously embraced different MORES. We are told of a kind of vegetablelike growth, the blossoming and 
decaying of mystical cycles, until the proselytisers of the morphology of history, faced with the strongest criticism, finally mumble at the 
end of the second or third volume something about blood and blood relationships. 

Even this latest intellectual legerdemain is now beginning to lose credibility. The Roman culture cycle and new development did not 
stem from the native Etruscan Phoenician stock, but in spite of it and its values. The new culture bearers were Nordic immigrants and a 
noble Nordic aristocracy which began to contest the soil of Italy with the aboriginal negroid Ligurians and the near eastern Etruscans. It 
is true that in this environment the Nordic aristocracy had to make a number of concessions. However, it demonstrated its true character 
in the most bitter of struggles, and more relentlessly than the more artistically gifted Hellenes had done, when it expelled the last 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 4 



Etruscan king, Tarquinius Superbus. Though a great part of these achievements became the common heritage of all Europe, much that 
was decayed and alien was later transmitted into Europe by the strong resurgent tide of racial chaos. 

The Etruscans, Ligurians, Sicilians, and Phoenicians (or Carthaginians) were not an earlier stage of development, nor were they 
tribes of the Roman people which had each made its contribution to the general culture. The true shapers of the Roman state stood 
implacably against them all, and, on the basis of racial folkish principles, subjected and partially exterminated them. Only that spirit, that 
will, those values which revealed themselves in this struggle, deserve to be called Roman. The Etruscans present us with an unequalled 
example of the way in which the Greek religion and way of life afforded them neither progress nor spiritual elevation. Like other near 
eastern peoples, the Etruscans had encountered at one point the Atlantic Nordic Mythi, which were by then embodied in Greek tradition, 
and they imitated Greek plastic and pictorial art as best they could, even appropriating the Hellenic pantheon. They succeeded only in 
corrupting everything they touched and turning each attribute into its opposite. Yet this provided reason enough for certain researchers 
to prattle foolishly about the extraordinary spiritual legacy of the Etruscans and the basis for growth it provided, and for the world 
historical dedication symbolised in their tragic fate. All this plainly derives from the same inner sense of identity which binds the rising 
asphalt humanity of the megalopolis in a very significant way to all the wretched refuse of Asia. 

The legends and the tombs of the Etruscans make very clear the reasons why the virile, healthy farmer folk engaged in so desperate 
a war against them. Two examples epitomise the character of the Etruscans; the sacred prostitute and the priest magician who, by means 
of dreadful rites, kept at bay the terrors of the underworld. The great whore of Babylon of whom the Apocalypse speaks is no fairy tale 
or metaphor, but an historical reality attested to a hundredfold. It was literally the rule of the hetairai over the peoples of the near and 
middle east. On high festival days at all the centres of these various racial groups, the official prostitutes were enthroned as the 
embodiment of a common sensuality and universal lechery. In Phoenicia they served Kybele and Astarte; in Egypt, the great procuress 
Isis; in Phrygia as priestesses of wholly unbridled communal sexual orgies. The reigning priestess of love was joined by her lover 
dressed in diaphanous Libyan robes. Anointed with costly perfumes and bedecked with precious jewels, they then copulated before all 
the people (just as did Absalom with David's concubines in II Samuel XVL22). This example was imitated in Babylon, in Libya, and in 
Rome under the Etruscan dynasty where the goddess priestess pushed the institution of the hetairai to its extreme limit in the closest 
collaboration with the Etruscan priests. 

Attempts were made quite early to interpret Etruscan inscriptions on graves, mummy wrappings, and papyrus rolls, but not until 
Albert Griinwedel was the script successfully deciphered, and the results show the Etruscans in a hideous light. Even the Greek solar 
myth that the sun dies and is then reborn as a god out of the dark night and with redoubled potency, was appropriated as an Etruscan 
motif. But in the hands of the Etruscan priests this becomes Asiatic magic, witchcraft linked with pederasty, masturbation, the murder of 
boys, magical appropriation of the manna of the slaughtered by the priestly murderer, and prophecies derived from the excrement and 
the piled up entrails of the victims. The virile sun impregnates itself with the magical phallus on the solar disc (the Egyptian point in the 
sun) which finally penetrates it. From this is born a golden boy, the foetus of a boy with a magical orifice. This is the so called seal of 
eternity. The violence of the magical phallus is imagined as a bull which copulates with such frenzied force that the disc rolls and the 
phallus bearer of the horn turns to fire, the phallus of him who possesses the heavens. 

In endlessly repeated obscenities, the original myth is degraded into repulsive homosexual love. This is to be seen on the wall 
paintings of graves, as in the Golini tomb where the dead man holds a banquet with his boy lover in the next world, and where two 
gigantic phalluses spring up from a sacrificial fire as a result of magical satanic rite. According to the inscription, this, the lightning of 
perfection, is thus perfected. 

Translated from the jargon of magic, that means that the creature born of woman is deified after putrefying, and becomes a phallus. 

From the inscription of the Cippus of Perugia, there is recorded a convocation of satanic priests who perfect a spectral manifestation 

so as to burn in demonic frenzy. He who has this boy has the demonic knife. Eternal is the fire of the boy a magus of the perfected 

seal. 

The murdered boy now becomes a little goat. Thunder personified is a metamorphosis of the son gained by violation — the perfected 
little goat. Here is to be found the origin of the horned apparition and the goat headed devil, whose appearance in the literature of 
witchcraft was hitherto an unsolved riddle. Its antique types are the Minotaur, especially the one over the well known grave of Corneto, 
the Tomba dei Tori, and the Greek Satyr. He clearly illustrates a crime crying out to heaven, comments Griinwedel. The meaning of 
these constantly repeated customs of the Etruscan religion is to be seen in the fate of the shamefully abused boy prostitute who is slit 
open to symbolise the birth of the diurnal sun from the egg that his apparition has developed when fertilised by the semen collected in 
bowls. 

Thus a spectral bull appears, fiery like the sun, sexually erect, and accomplishes again and again the demonic self copulation. With 
the performance of this ritual, the manna of the murdered boy is supposed to pass to the priest, who is the representative of the Chosen 
(Rasna, Rasena), as the Etruscans — like the Jews — called themselves. The priest next lets the fumes from the entrails ascend to heaven. 
There is also the magical use of faeces, once again in a vile travesty of the Greek solar myth. The divine cherub attains the supreme 
power which emanates from him as six rolls of gold excrement, creating the fire of the heavens. 

The chosen one becomes such by supplying his entrails. Etruscan vases provide ample evidence of this; witches are portrayed, 
offering money to youths to persuade them to dedicate themselves and then to ascend to heaven in flames. Herein lies new evidence for 
the primeval home of witchcraft and Satanism on European soil. It is easy to understand a scholar like Griinwedel, who in this respect 
sees close analogies with the Tibetan Tantras of Lamaism, saying: 

A nation which is ready to paint wall pictures over the entrances of graves like the two scenes in the Tomba dei Tori, which permits 
itself to write such filth in graves and paintings like those in the Golini grave, and to cover sarcophagi with the most repulsive scenes (I 
need mention only the sarcophagus of Chiusi), to place into one's hands representations of the dead as in the text of the Pulenana 
papyrus roll, to cover toilet articles with the most hair raising obscenities, parades the most despicable human degeneracy as its national 
legacy and religious persuasion. 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 5 



It is necessary as a prelude to be quite clear about the true nature of the Etruscans so that we may understand fully that the Nordic 
Latins, the true Romans, had the same experiences as the Nordic Hellenes before them and the Nordic Teutons after them. As a 
numerically small people, they waged a desperate struggle against the forces of hetairism, with their strong emphasis on patriarchy and 
the family. They purified the great whore Tanaquil by transforming her into the faithful protectress of motherhood and portraying her 
with dresses and a spindle as a guardian of the family. Against the sorceries of an outrageous priesthood they posed the hard Roman law 
and the dignity of the Roman senate. With the sword they cleansed Italy of the Etruscans (as a result of which the great Sulla came 
particularly to the fore) and of the Carthaginians, whom the former always called to their aid. Yet the preponderance of numbers, 
prevalent superstition, and the usual international solidarity of rogues and charlatans gradually eroded the old honourable Roman life. 
This was exacerbated by the necessity of maintaining Roman strength by enlisting the support of the racial cesspool of the 
Mediterranean peoples. In particular, Rome was unable to cast out the HARVSPICES and the AVGVRES. Even Sulla was accompanied 
by the HARVSPEX, Postumius, and Julius Caesar after him by another of that ilk named Spurinna. Burckhardt had already had an 
inkling of these now established facts — which are carefully ignored by the Etruscans of our great cities. He wrote in his Griechische 
Kulturgeschichte as follows: 

When, however, with the unleashing of all human passions during the last years of the Roman republic, human sacrifice again 
appeared in a most abominable form, when oaths were made over the entrails of slaughtered boys — as with Catilina and Vatinius (see 
Cicero, IN VATINIVM, 6) — then it is to be hoped that this had nothing to do with Greek religion or the ostensible Pythagoreanism of 
Vatinius. The Roman gladiatorial contests, towards which Greece maintained a permanent abhorrence, had derived from Etruria, at first 
as funerary rites for dead aristocrats. 

This clearly indicated that human sacrifice was also a feature of the Etruscan religion. 

The Etruscan priest Volgatius who, at Caesar's funeral, ecstatically proclaimed the last century of the Etruscans, was only one of the 
many who exercised great power over Roman life and manipulated the sufferings of the people in the interests of the near east. When 
Hannibal stood before the gates of Rome, these HARVSPICES declared that victory was only possible by adopting the cult of the Great 
Mother. This was brought from Asia Minor, and the senate abased itself by going down to the shore on foot to receive it. In this way, the 
priesthood of Asia Minor entered the eternal city along with the great whore of the Pelasgians or the beautiful and delightful whore 
(Nahum III, 4), and took up residence on the sacred Palatine, the focal point of the old Roman thought and culture. There ensued the 
usual near eastern religious processions. Later, however, the debaucheries were restricted to the district to the rear of the temple walls in 
order to escape the anger of the better part of the people. 

The HARVSPICES triumphed. The Roman papacy was their immediate successor, and the temple hierarchy, the college of 
cardinals, represented an amalgam of the Etruscan near eastern Syrian priesthood, with the Jews and the Nordic Roman senate. 

The medieval picture of the world also derives from the Etruscan HARVSPICES, that frightful superstition of magic and witchcraft 
to which the millions of Europe fell victim. Nor did this die out with the Witches' Hammer. It still survives in church literature today, to 
be resurrected at any time. It can be seen in those gargoyles which not infrequently disfigure our Nordic Gothic cathedrals with a 
grotesquerie of extreme abnormality. 

Even in Dante, in a grandiose form, bastardised Etruscan antiquity erupts anew. His Inferno contains the ferryman of hell, the fiery 
swamp of the Styx, the bloodthirsty Pelasgian Erinyes and Furies, the Cretan Minotaur, those fiends in the form of disgusting birds who 
torment suicides, and the amphibious monster, Beryon. The damned run through a scorching desert under a rain of fiery drops. 
Malefactors are turned into bushes upon which the Harpies feed, and from every broken twig of which their blood gushes forth 
accompanied by unending screams of agony. Black bitches pursue other evildoers and tear them to pieces with unspeakable pain. 
Horned demons scourge swindlers. Prostitutes are drowned in stinking excrement. Popes, guilty of simony, are confined within narrow 
ravines. There they languish, their tortured feet writhing in flames, while Dante rails loudly against the degenerate papacy as the whore 
of Babylon. 

The grave inscriptions and paintings in Tuscany reveal that all these ideas of the underworld are of Etruscan origin. Just as in the 
Christianised upper world of the middle ages, the idea of eternity is depicted with people hung by their hands and tormented with 
burning faggots and other fiendish devices. 

The avenging Furies were depicted by the Etruscans as utterly loathsome, with animalistic or negroid features, pointed ears, matted 
hair, fangs, and so forth. It was one such Fury with a bird's beak who tortured Theseus with her poisonous snakes, as a wall painting at 
the Tomba dell' Oreo at Corneto shows. Does this reveal the primeval hatred for the legendary conqueror of the ancient demons of 
Athens? Beside these Furies are Typhon and Echidna, those horrible, one eyed demons with snakes for hair. The Etruscans generally 
dwelt with sadistic pleasure over every possible representation of torture, murder and sacrifice. The slaughter of human beings was 
especially delightful for them. 

Musically untalented, lacking any poetic gifts, incapable of producing an organic architecture of their own, and without even the 
rudiments of philosophy, this near eastern people devoted itself to the study of birds' entrails, and to complex magical and sacrificial 
rites. Not without some technical ability, it was almost wholly dedicated to commerce, and because it was tenacious, it poisoned Roman 
blood and transmitted its obsession with hellish torments in the world to come to the churches. The ghastly and bestial demons became 
an enduring and effective tool of the popes, and, through the conceptual world that had been poisoned by the church of Rome, 
dominated our middle ages. Medieval art gives shocking testimony to this. One can see the proof of this even on the Isenheim altar, as 
well as in the Descents into Hell by other artists. 

Only when we have learned to recognise the utterly alien origins of these concepts and muster the resolution to rid ourselves of this 
diabolism will we have cast off the middle ages. But with our emancipation, the Roman church, which is inextricably linked with the 
sadistic visions of the Etruscan hell, will collapse from within. 

The whole mystagogy of Dante's Inferno consists of a hideous marriage of Etruscan demonology and Christianity. Nevertheless, 
even though Dante was not free from the incubus of this thousand year old malefic vision, the Germanic spirit still stirred within him. 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 6 



In purgatory, Vergilius says of Dante: He seeks freedom. Such words are a direct denial of the psychic milieu from which witchcraft 
and the idea of powerful evil spirits arose. In the end, Vergilius could safely leave his protege, since Dante had acquired the necessary 
strength of his own. 

My knowledge, my words, can explain nothing more to you 

Free, upright, healthy, are the signs of your will. 

It would be foolish not to follow it. 

Such are the two worlds that tore apart the heart of Nordic man in the middle ages. On the one hand was the near eastern idea of a 
hideous hell which the church adopted; on the other, the longing to be free, upright and healthy. Only insofar as he is free can the Teuton 
be creative. Only where the insane terrors of witchcraft did not hold sway could great centres of European culture flourish. 

Into this raceless stew which was now Rome came Christianity. Its success is largely to be explained by its concept of a sinful world 
and redemption through grace, which was its natural compliment. The doctrine of original sin would have been incomprehensible to a 
people whose racial identity was unadulterated. In such a people there dwells a secure confidence in itself and in its will, which it 
regards as Destiny. The concept of sin was as alien to the heroes of Homeros as it was to the ancient Indians, the Germans of Tacitus, or 
the epics and sagas of Dietrich von Bern. An oppressive sense of sin is a sure symptom of racial bastardy. Race pollution shows itself in 
a number of stigmata; in an absence of clear direction in thought and action; an inner self doubt; the feeling that existence is simply the 
wages of sin and not the necessary and mysterious imperative of self development. The sense of personal depravity leads to a yearning 
for grace, and this is the only hope for the products of miscegenation. 

It was natural, therefore, in whomsoever the old Roman character still lived, that a revulsion arose against the spread of Christianity, 
most especially as it represented a thoroughly proletarian and nihilistic political ethos. The grossly exaggerated accounts of bloody 
persecutions of Christians were not in fact attempts at suppression of conscience, as church history claims (the Roman forum was open 
to all gods), but rather aimed at the protection of the state against a political threat to its existence. It was reserved to the church, in its 
Pauline Augustinian form, to invent doctrinal councils and burning at the stake for the purpose of annihilating the spirit. Classical 
Nordic antiquity did not know the like of this, and the Germanic world has likewise always rebelled against this Levantine import. 

Ecclesiastical Christianity has made Diocletianus a particular target of its attacks. Diocletianus was of lowly origins, though 
probably of part German ancestry. He had blue eyes and a very white skin, and was a man of personal probity of the type admired by 
Marcus Aurelius. His family life was above reproach. In all matters of state, Diocletianus conducted himself with great moderation. He 
was opposed to all forms of oppression, and favoured religious toleration, and only authorised action against Egyptian tricksters, fortune 
tellers, and sorcerers. The Emperor Gallienus had already given official recognition to the Christian cult, and Christian buildings were 
erected without interference. What disturbed an organic development, however, was initially the squabbles of the rival bishops. 

Diocletianus excused his Christian soldiers from the pagan sacrifices, and insisted only on military discipline. But it was precisely in 
this area that his authority was challenged by the leaders of the African church, so that recruits refused to perform their duties on the 
grounds of their Christianity. One such pacifist, despite friendly admonitions, persisted in his obduracy until at length he had to be 
executed for mutiny. Such threatening symptoms at last persuaded Diocletianus to insist on the participation of Christians in state 
ceremonies of a religious nature. Even now, he did not generally punish Christians who refused to obey, but merely granted them 
discharges from military service. The only result was a stream of unmitigated abuse from the Christians, the mutual conflicts of whose 
factions also menaced civil peace in other ways. Finally, the state took action in self defence. Even now, Diocletianus did not exact the 
death penalty (as he did in the case of some swindling merchants) but only reduced the contumacious to the status of the slave class. The 
outcome of this was rioting and arson directed against the Emperor's palace itself. Provocations by the Christian communities, hitherto 
unmolested and which had become arrogant in consequence, followed one after another throughout the empire. The ensuing terrible 
persecutions of the Christians by the monster Diocletianus amounted to — nine rebellious bishops executed, and in Palestine, the centre 
of the most violent resistance, a total of eighty death sentences actually carried out. By contrast, that supremely Christian Duke of Alba 
slaughtered 100,000 heretics in the tiny Netherlands alone. 

Only by reexamining these events is it possible to shake off the hypnotic effect of systematically falsified history. Thus does 
Iulianus the Apostate, who also believed in equal rights for all the cults, appear in a new light, because he did not shirk, on the grounds 
of pious convictions, standing out against teachers of the representative of god. He well knew what was involved when he wrote: 

Through the follies of the Galileans, our state was almost ruined; but now, the gods be praised, it is saved. Therefore we shall 
honour the gods and every city in which there is still piety. 

This proved thoroughly justified, for no sooner had Christianity become the state religion under Constantinus, than the old testament 
spirit of hatred showed its hideous face. The Christians at once demanded the application of the punishments prescribed in the old 
testament against the worship of idols. In Italy, with the exception of Rome itself, the temples of Jupiter were closed. We can sympathise 
with the despair of Iulianus, but at the same time we can see that the history of early Christianity needs rewriting — and that Bishop 
Eusebios is hardly a reliable source. Christianity, as it was introduced to Europe via the Roman church, derives from a multitude of 
roots. This is not the place for a more detailed study of its sources; a few observations only must suffice. 

The great personality of Jesus Christ, whatever form it might have taken originally, was distorted and confused immediately after 
his death with all the rubbish of Jewish and African life. In the near east, Rome ruled with great firmness and exacted the taxes 
efficiently. Accordingly, among their subject populations there arose the desire for a liberator and leader of the slaves; hence the legend 
of Christos. Beginning in Asia Minor, this Christos myth spread to Palestine, where it became linked with Jewish messianic yearnings, 
and was finally attached to the personality of Jesus. Besides his own utterances, there were falsely attributed to him the words and 
doctrines of near eastern prophets and, ironically indeed, in the form of an extension of ancient Aryan moral precepts; for example, the 
nine commandment table which had already been appropriated by the Jews as their ten prohibitions. In this manner was Galilee joined 
with the whole near east. 

The Christian movement, disrupting old forms, seemed to the Pharisee Saul to hold great promise of practical usefulness. In a 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 7 



sudden decision he joined its ranks and, possessed by an unrestrained fanaticism, he preached international revolution against the Roman 
empire. In spite of all subsequent attempts at reform, his teachings still remain the Jewish spiritual basis, the Talmudic oriental aspect of 
both the catholic and the Lutheran churches. 

Paul accomplished something which is never admitted in churchly circles. He made the suppressed Jewish national rebellion 
internationally effective, thus paving the way for the further spread of racial chaos in the ancient world. The Jews in Rome knew very 
well what they were about when they placed their synagogues at his disposal as places wherein he could make his proselytising 
speeches. 

The fact that Paul, despite occasional criticism of the Jews, knew quite well that he served a Jewish cause is to be seen in several all 
too candid passages in his letters: 

Blindness in part is happened to Israel, until the fullness of the Gentiles be come in. 

And so all Israel shall be saved Whose are the fathers Who are the Israelites; to whom pertains the adoption and the glory 

and the covenants, and the giving of the law, and the service of god, and the promises; 

and of whom as concerning the flesh Christ came For if you were cut out of the olive tree which is wild by nature, and were 

grafted contrary to nature into a good olive tree: how much more shall these, which be the natural branches, be grafted into their own 
olive tree? 

This is identical to the teachings of the modern misbegotten sect of serious bible students. 

The Gospel of saint John, which still retains an aristocratic spirit, strove to defend Christianity against this collective bastardisation, 
orientalisation, and Judaisation. About the year 150, Markion, who was a Greek, once again represented the Nordic idea of a world order 
based on organic tension and hierarchical structure. This was in direct contrast to the Semitic conception of a capricious god who 
exercised a boundless despotism. Marcion therefore rejected the old testament as the book of laws of so false a deity. Similar efforts 
were made by a few of the Gnostics. But Rome, now racially polluted beyond redemption, was utterly committed to Africa and Syria, 
and smothered the simple essence of Jesus with the accretions of late Roman goals of world empire and ecumenical church. 

The conflicts of the earliest centuries of our era are not to be understood except as struggles of racial souls against the Hydra headed 
racial chaos. In this the near eastern amalgam of superstition, insane magic and sensual mysteries gathered to itself all that was chaotic, 
broken, and degenerate, thus infecting Christianity with that schismatic character which still afflicts it to this day. Thus a servile religion, 
its true nature disguised through the misuse of the great personality of Jesus, entered Europe. Emergent Christianity, derived from a 
multiplicity of sources, demonstrated an astounding combination of abstract spirituality and demonic sorcery, as well as exceptional 
powers of infiltration irrespective of other currents which were assimilated in it. The idea of the trinity, for example, was familiar to 
many of the peoples of the Mediterranean basin in the form of the father, the mother and the son, and in the precept Everything divides 
threefold. The mother symbolised the fertile earth, the father the creative principle of light. Now, in place of the mother there appears the 
holy ghost as a conscious retreat from the purely physical. Such was the hagion pneuma of the Greeks, the prana of the Indians. This 
spirituality and its emphasis were not rooted in a racial national ground conditioned by the polarity of organic life. Instead it became a 
force without direction. 

Here is neither Jew nor Greek, here is neither slave nor free, here is neither man nor woman, wrote Paul to the Galatians — that last 
remnant of a great Celtic migration down the Danube valley and into Asia Minor. On the basis of this nihilism, which is a denial of 
everything organic, he then calls for a belief in Christ. This constituted a total rejection of all the culture creating values of Greece and 
Rome — although to be sure, Christianity took over a degenerate form of such values — and effected their disintegration. Thanks to its 
strongly exclusive character, Christianity was then able to gather to itself all those who had lost direction. 

A further step toward the denial of natural life lay in the dogmatic assertion of the virgin birth. Yet this is commonly a part of a solar 
myth to be found among various peoples from northern Europe to the south sea islands. 

Abstract spirituality, however, was flanked on each side by all the magic of Asia Minor, Syria and Africa. The demons which were 
driven out by Jesus and passed into the swine; the calming of the stormy sea at his command; his certified resurrection from the dead; 
his ascent into heaven — all these were the real point of departure for Christianity, and undoubtedly greatly strengthened the ability to 
endure much suffering. 

Thus the world did not proceed from the life of the saviour (soter) but from his death and its miraculous consequences. This is the 
single motif of the Pauline epistles. Goethe, on the contrary, held that it was the life of Christ which was important, not his death. In this 
he was attesting to the soul of the Germanic west expressed in Positive Christianity, as opposed to negative Christianity based on 
priesthood and witch mania and deriving from Etruscan Asiatic concepts. 

As we have indicated earlier, it is misleading when our scholars represent the transformation of Greek life as if there had been a 
development from chthonic gods to a deity of light, and from matriarchy to patriarchy. It is equally false when they speak of a naive 
popular outlook which later ascended to lofty thought. In reality, alongside the antichthonic struggle, in the later predominance of 
intellectual doctrinal systems, in the attempt to exert political restraint over the earlier, unconstrained ways, there occurs a drying up of 
creative racial powers. In the end, we have only the Platonic reaction which strove to attain by artifice what the blood alone was already 
too weak to achieve. 

The Nordic Greek recognised no separate priestly caste. His priests came from the aristocratic families. His singers and poets related 
to him the deeds and acts of his heroes and his gods. The free Greek spirit was as alien to dogmatism as was the earlier Indian and the 
later Teuton. Gymnastics and music were the substance of his education, and these established the necessary prerequisites for the 
production of the hoplite, the citizen of the state. Only a Sokrates could preach such insanity as: virtue could be taught and imparted to 
all men, an idea further refined by Platon. He who should really understand the nature of the world of ideas must of necessity be 
virtuous. With the promulgation of such an individualistic and faceless worldview, the axe was truly laid at the roots of Greek life. 

At the same time, this rootless intellectualism permitted the recrudescence of all those Asiatic practices which had been put to flight 
by Apollonian Greek discipline. Here we can follow with absolute objectivity the alternating play which takes place between 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 8 



intellectualism and magic. Both reason and will, if not always consciously, pursue the same goal. Both are true to nature, blood 
determined and organically conditioned. To the degree to which the rational worldview becomes unsure of its validity because of the 
changed nature of those who represent it, it also becomes too narrow for rational constructs. At the same time, that part which is based 
on will degenerates into magic and the proliferation of one superstition after another. The result of the disintegration of the rational 
willed racial soul is a world view based on an intellectual magical substructure — when it is not merely meaningless individualism and 
unbridled bastardy. In the former case, the catholic church and, to a lesser extent, protestantism provide intellectual justifications for a 
magical belief. Late Hellenism offers an example of the latter. 

Negative and Positive Christianity were locked in conflict from the beginning, and that conflict is today being waged with ever more 
bitterness. The negative type emphasises its Levantine Etruscan tradition, its abstract dogmas and hoary old customs; the positive 
consciously calls upon the Nordic blood to awaken, just as in their simple innocence the first Teutons did when they pressed into Italy 
bringing renewed vigour to that sick land. 

Like a mighty and awesome primordial destiny, the Cimbri had once stormed in from the north. An initial repulse could not stay the 
Nordic Celts and Teutons from repeatedly pressing upon the frontiers of Rome. In campaign after campaign the military skill of the 
Romans proved ineffectual against the rude strength of a young people. Giant blond slaves began to appear on the streets of Rome, and 
the Germanic ideal of beauty became fashionable among a decadent people bereft of all ideals of their own. Free Teutons also were soon 
no rarity in Rome. More and more the Caesares came to depend for support on the loyalty of the Germanic soldiery. Yet at the same 
time the Germans came to constitute the greatest threat to the existence of the wretched state now without values of its own. By 
imposing fines on bachelors, subsidising marriage, and public welfare, Augustus attempted to regenerate his own people. It was in vain. 
Teutons were instrumental in the election of Claudius, of Galba, and of Vitellius. Marcus Aurelius sent his Teutonic prisoners from 
Vienna to Italy where instead of making them into gladiators he had them farm the long desolate soil. By the time of Constantinus, the 
Roman army was almost entirely Germanic. Whoever cannot see racial forces at work here must be blind to all historical processes. It is 
patently obvious that both decomposition and rebirth are present in this. The regenerative process continues past Constantinus to 
Stilicho, Alaric, Ricimer, Odoacer, Theodoric, the Langobards and to the Normans. These last named started by establishing a kingdom 
in the south which reached its apogee under the incomparable Friedrich II, whose Sicilian kingdom became the first secular world state, 
and whose provinces were settled by German nobility. 

In this process of Nordicising Italy, the work of Theodoric the Great was particularly significant. For more than thirty years this 
strong, yet generous and gentle ruler, governed Italy. What Marcus Aurelius and Constantinus had begun, he continued. The Teutonic 
settlers now became not merely tenant farmers and small holders, but also the owners of large estates. One third of all the landed 
property passed into the hands of the Germanic soldiery. Although unfortunately widely dispersed, nevertheless more than 200,000 
Germanic families settled in Tuscany and around Ravenna and Venice. Once again Nordic hands drove the plough through the soil of 
middle Italy and made the hitherto impoverished and desolate land fruitful and independent of the grain imports from north Africa. 

Set apart from the indigenous population by their adherence to the Arian denomination and by laws prohibiting intermarriage, the 
Goths and the later Langobards played the same character forming role as had the first Nordic immigrants for old Republican Rome. 
Racial amalgamation only began with the conversion of the Germanic Christians from the Arian creed to Roman Catholicism. 

At last came the Renaissance as a thunderous reassertion of Nordic Germanic blood. With a sudden shattering of constricting social 
barriers, there arose from the cultivated soil one genius after another. Meanwhile, all of Africanised Italy south of Rome remained mute 
and uncreative, until today, when Fascism, again arising from the north, is attempting to reawaken the old values. Attempting! 

Even before the appearance of the work of Houston Chamberlain, it had long been common knowledge that all the creative values 
of the nations of the west were of Teutonic origins. Chamberlain recognised as self evident that with the increasing dilution of this 
Germanic blood there would be a concomitant waning of the creativity, creative of nations, forming of types, which was its function, and 
that the entire culture of the west must perish. 

New studies of prehistory support Chamberlain's thesis, and in combination with ethnology have spurred ever more serious 
reflection. Today, we have the terrible awareness that we are face to face with a final decision. Either we upbreed the old blood and 
thereby find renewed vitality and a heightened will to struggle, or the Teutonic European values of culture and ordered government will 
sink under the filthy human flood of Cosmopolis; crippled on the hot and sterile asphalt of a bestialised subhumanity; or, perhaps, 
infiltrate like plague bacilli into South America, China, the Dutch East Indies and Africa, where ultimate bastardisation will overtake 
them. 

There is another feature of Chamberlain's thought which is of decisive importance today. Besides his emphasis upon the creation of 
a new world through German influence, he understood that an historical interval lay between the old Nordic Rome and the new 
Germanic west, and that this intervening epoch was characterised by unchecked racial mixing. He saw this bastardisation as the welling 
up of everything diseased, of Levantine superstitions and sensual excesses, until the febrile psyche of the population permeated the 
entire world. Chamberlain, with the consummate artistry of a seminal historian, called this period the age of racial chaos. Even if its 
temporal limits defy precise demarcation, an awareness of this process has become widely disseminated and is self evident to those 
possessed of deeper insight. 

This new periodisation, in the place of antiquity and the middle ages, was one of the greatest discoveries of the late nineteenth 
century, and forms the basis for all our studies of history as the twentieth century advances. This new insight means that if no Theodoric 
had followed the Caracallae, the darkness would have descended forever upon Europe. It is probable that the roiling morass of Asiatic 
and African half breeds — indeed, of all the peoples of the Mediterranean littoral — would have eventually settled, after wild excesses. 
Life, ever resurgent, would probably have eliminated much that was decayed and deformed. Eternally lost, however, would have been 
the creative power of a soul which had continuously created new cultures. Vanished forever would have been the world transforming 
genius of that universally questing Nordic man. Only an undifferentiated humanity would have remained to perpetuate a vegetable 
existence, much as it does in southern Italy today — not living, but brutishly surviving, without bold visions of body and soul, without 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 9 



any real yearnings, dwelling in deep, submissive contentment on lava masses or amid stony wastes. 

Therefore, if even today, some 2,000 years after the first appearance of the Teutons in history, there still exist in some places 
national cultures, creative abilities, and a daring spirit of enterprise, such forces, even though they contend greatly with each other, owe 
their very existence to that new northern wave which enveloped and fertilised everything, passing stormy floods over the whole of 
Europe, washing around the feet of the Caucasus, sending its surf beyond the Pillars of Hercules — and only ebbing away in the deserts 
of north Africa. 

Seen in its broad outlines, the history of Europe is the history of the struggle between this new human type and the forces of Roman 
racial chaos, which, numbering in the millions, stretched from the Danube to the Rhine. This dark tide carried some glittering values on 
its surface and catered to some nerve tingling lusts; its waves spoke of a past of once mighty world dominion and of a religion which 
answered all questions. 

A considerable number of the Nordics succumbed to the seductive enticements with careless, even childlike, abandon. Thus they 
became themselves the servants of a kind of dream of ancient Roman grandeur. Too often they fought throughout the world in the cause 
of a fantasy, and so became, instead of the progenitors they had been, merely the inheritors. Until Martin Luther appeared on the scene, 
such was the form taken by the struggle between the Teuton and the forces of racial chaos. It became an internecine struggle between 
kindred based heroism and heroism in the service of an alien fantasy. Frequently, those who confronted each other in war to defend 
mortally opposed values were of the same race. It is only too easy to understand how the representatives of this race, pouring out of the 
northern German plain in a natural and violent manner into Gaul, Spain and Italy, were not wholly conscious of their own spiritual 
characteristics. With astonished eyes, they took to themselves that which was both new and alien and — as masters — ruled over it. If they 
reshaped it, they also — as a minority — had to compromise with the new situation. Today, those supporters of national rights who yet 
preach the ideal of a united mankind and laud a single, organised, visible, ecumenical church which is to determine and embrace all 
public life, all science, all art, all ethics, on the basis of a single dogma, display the end result of those ideas, born of racial chaos, which 
have poisoned our true nature through the centuries. This is exemplified by the kind of commentator who says: What Austria is striving 
for, the whole world must attain on a vaster scale. This is racial pollution and spiritual murder elevated to a world political program. 

Emperor and pope once fought for this universalist and antinational idea; opposed to it were the German kings. Martin Luther 
created a national political idea as against the papal world monarchy. Developments in England, France, Scandinavia and Prussia gave 
added strength to this defence against chaos. The rebirth of Germany in 1813 and 1871 moved things a stage further, but still always 
unconsciously, as it were, striving toward the goal. The collapse of 1918 tore apart our very vitals, but at the same time laid bare to the 
searching soul the threads which had woven their fabric of mixed blessings. From the tribal consciousness of ancient Germania, by way 
of the ideas of the German kings, through the new leadership of Prussia and the faith in a united Germany, there is born today, as the 
greatest flowering of the German soul, a racially based folkish consciousness. On the basis of this experience we hail as the religion of 
the German future the fact that, though lying now politically prostrate, humiliated and persecuted, we have found the roots of our 
strength, and have actually discovered and experienced them anew with such force as no previous generation has known. 

At last, Mythic feeling and conscious perception no longer confront each other as antagonists but as allies. Passionate nationalism is 
no longer directed toward tribal, dynastic or theological loyalties, but toward that primal substance, the racially based nationhood itself. 
Here is the message which will one day melt away all dross, eliminate all that is base, and bring into being all that is noble. 

Further research will reveal, as well as the Germanic struggle against racial chaos, the line taken by other indigenous or infiltrated 
races of Europe. It will be able to assess the formerly more submissive and more indifferent Mediterranean race which is not entirely at 
odds with Germanic values. It will show that, as long as it is not a mass phenomenon, many a mixture with it is not an unconditional loss 
but often an enrichment of soul. It will acknowledge the less culturally creative Dinaric race which, gifted with a robust temperament, 
nonetheless has often played an effective role in great European dramas. But it will take into account also that its near eastern admixture 
produces symptoms of bastardy as, for example, can be seen in Austria and in the Balkans. The newly enlightened observer can next see 
how the unenterprising, brunette Alpine race, which is nevertheless well endowed with powers of resistance, patiently pushes forward 
and multiplies. The Alpine does not openly rebel against the dominant Teuton. Here and there, by mass penetration, it actually increases 
in individual cases the Germanic powers for tenacious resistance. But it also clouds the creative talents, overlays and smothers them. 
Great areas of France, Switzerland and Germany already show the stigmata of Alpine influence, which is inimical to all that is great. 
Political democracy, spiritual sterility, cowardly pacificism, combined with craftiness in business and a lack of principle in commercial 
enterprises when profit is in view, these are the awful signs of an Alpine influence over European life. 

All the great and bloody struggles of the Teutons against the Roman racial chaos weakened, often for a considerable time, the 
vitality of the former. Moreover, even though Alpine man was not infrequently involved in wars, he was nevertheless spared far more 
than the Nordic insurgents who, initially as heretics, cleared a path for free thought, that is, thought linked to racial type. 

If we overlook the early struggle of the Arians for religious liberty, the entire west, once Romish political power was consolidated, 
demonstrates the lack of a self contained, organically rooted way of life. If the victorious ecumenical Roman church was the lineal 
descendant of the faceless late Roman empire, even if the Roman emperors constituted themselves the most powerful arm of this idea, 
even if highly gifted members of Germanic families placed themselves at the service of its seductions, nevertheless everywhere and in 
all domains the counterforces straightaway began to stir. Politically, this occurred with the German kings and French Gallicanism; in 
ecclesiastical matters, in the struggle of the bishops against the Curia; spiritually, in the demand for freedom of natural inquiry; in 
philosophy and theology, in the call for freedom of thought and belief. Although in the earlier period these forces still sometimes paid 
obeisance to Rome as an idea, and were often not fully aware of the significance of their demands — even if they were, perhaps, borne 
upward by the naive hope of cleansing the church — they were, in the last analysis, forces of ardent nationalism. We recognise in them a 
racially linked, resolute and subconscious mode of thought and feeling against any variety of universalism. 

The authority of a king or duke, territorial limits to episcopal sees, and personal freedom — are all directly rooted in the soil, even 
though these forces competed, and still do, for ascendancy. If it is clear now that it was the most purely Nordic Germanic states, peoples 

The Myth of the 20th Century 20 



and tribes which most consistently and resolutely defended themselves against the assault on everything organic by Roman ecumenical 
conformism, then we shall be able to see that even before the great victorious awakening of those forces from the hypnotic influence of 
Rome and the Levant, there was an heroic struggle in progress directly linked to the still pagan Teutons. The history of the Albigensians, 
Waldenses, Cathars, Arnoldists, Stedingers, Huguenots, the reformed church and the Lutherans, as well as of the martyrs of free inquiry 
and the heroes of Nordic philosophy, draws an impressive picture of a gigantic contest for character values, those prerequisites of soul 
and spirit without the assertion of which there could have been neither European nor national culture. 

Whoever looks at modern France, democratised, misgoverned by crafty lawyers, plundered by Jewish bankers, spiritually glittering, 
but living now only on its past, could scarcely imagine that this land once stood from end to end as the focal area of heroic struggles and, 
for over half a millennium, produced figures of the boldest type who were succeeded, generation after generation, by men of heroic 
disposition. Who among the cultured of today actually knows anything about Gothic Toulouse, the ruins of which still attest to a proud 
race? Who knows of the great ruling families of that city which were annihilated in bloody wars? Who is familiar with the history of the 
Counts of Foix, whose castle is today only a miserable heap of stones, whose villages are desolate, whose lands are occupied only by 
wretched peasants? The pope, declared one of these bold counts about 1200, has nothing to do with my religion, because the faith of 
each man must be free. This fundamentally Germanic idea, which even today is only partially realised, cost southern France its finest 
blood, and was smothered forever with its extermination in this region. As a last vestige of the Visigothic spirit, Montauban, France's 
only protestant college, is still to be found there. 

The same heroism inspired a tiny people dwelling in the midst of the Italian French Alps. Here, the will that welded them all 
together goes back to a great and mysterious personality, a merchant of Lyon who had migrated to that cite (we still do not know from 
where) and whose name was Peter. Later, the surname Valdo, or Waldes, was attributed to him. 

For many years he conducted his affairs honourably, and was regarded as a devout man who, presumably, had not thought of 
rebellion. But he became more and more aware of the discrepancy between the simplicity of the gospels and the ostentation of the 
church. He felt ever more deeply the crippling effect of coercive religious doctrines. So, in the sincerely held belief that he was serving 
the supreme spiritual authority, Peter Waldes made a pilgrimage to Rome, there to urge simplicity of moral conduct, honesty in dealings, 
and freedom to teach on the basis of Christ's own words. In Rome it was agreed to make concessions to him except in those things 
which were most essential. At this, Waldes divided up his property, parted from his wife, and declared to the representative of Rome 
who tried to force him to recant: One must obey god more than man. 

This was the hour of birth of a great heretic and a great reformer, to whom, even today, all Europeans — including all catholics — 
have cause to be grateful. The simple greatness of Peter Waldes must have been enormously influential in organising the communities of 
the poor of Lyon, as well as his triumphs during his travels along the Rhine and to Bohemia. The formation of Waldensian communities 
in central Austria, in Pomerania, and in Brandenburg, show that his demand for freedom to teach the gospels had struck a bright chord 
from the ancient German heartstrings. Now it had taken a firm root in men's souls and could no longer be rooted out. It was the same 
demand which was raised by Peter of Bruys, Henry of Cluny and Arnold of Brescia. A sculpture of Waldes at Mainz shows him to have 
had a pure Nordic head, a strong, high forehead, large eyes, a powerful and slightly aquiline nose and a firm, beautifully formed mouth. 
On his chin was a beard. 

After its expulsion from Lyon, the community fanned out in different directions, preaching and recruiting. They met a friendly 
reception in Gothic Albigensian Provence, as also in the Rhineland. In Metz, the Waldensians had soon grown so numerous that 
members of the magistracy refused to obey the commands of the bishop to arrest them, giving as their reason that which Waldes himself 
had once put forward, namely that one must obey god rather than man. Thereupon followed the persecution by Pope Innocentius III, the 
burning of the scriptures which had been translated from Latin into the mother tongue, and the execution of a number of the members of 
the sect. The survivors then fled throughout Lorraine and into the Netherlands and those other parts of Germany where every door, 
beyond the immediate reach of Rome, was opened to them. Yet another group fled into Lombardy. There it found similar heresies being 
spread by, among others, the Patarians in Milan, and the teachings of Arnold of Brescia who strove beyond what was purely evangelical 
for ecclesiastical as well as political reform, and who denied the pope a title to temporal power as a prerequisite for his spiritual health. 

Next the community of the Waldensians poured into the valleys in the western slopes of the Alps and gained a foothold in the 
districts with the poorer soils which, thanks to the diligence of their hands, blossomed into fruitful gardens. They had no wish but to live 
quietly and modestly in their faith and to fulfil their evangelical duties on this earth. But at length the bells of the Inquisition began to 
peal throughout the west. Even the quiet valleys with their two little towns and twenty villages were plunged into tumult. By the mid 
fourteenth century, the Waldensians were having to pay heavy tribute to appease the church and the lords of the land — which were 
naturally, at that time, unproductive. This was the period when the black death raged in the German districts. French troops, under the 
direct command of the Inquisitor, moved into the quiet Alpine valleys. Twelve Waldensians were first taken in chains to the church. 
They were garbed in yellow gowns on which were painted the flames of hell. Anathema was pronounced against them, their shoes were 
removed, each had a rope tied around his neck, and they were then all burned at the stake. These and other tortures broke the resistance 
of many, causing them to recant. However, these reverses only brought further humiliations in their wake. Fresh revolts broke out and 
inevitably brought about fresh repressions. An epic of human struggle began which has seldom been equalled for heroic conduct. The 
Waldensians were stripped of all their property and filled the prisons of the Inquisitions in such numbers that they were only able to be 
fed through the generosity of the people. 

However, their numbers were conveniently diminished by the usual expedient of being burnt by the officers of the religion of love. 
A single Inquisitor persecuted the Waldensian community. For thirteen years, he was repeatedly successful in catching many of them 
who had made some heretical remark. Prisoners were then tortured on the rack, had their hands cut off, were strangled or burned alive. 
In spite of this, the archbishop of Embrum had to report to the pope that the Waldensians remained obdurate in their faith. 

At this time, when from every part of Europe the storm winds of a rebirth were rattling the gates of Rome, the deputy of the Vatican 
marched with the French troops once more into the Alpine valleys in order to trample down with military might the remaining 

The Myth of the 20th Century 2 1 



resistance. 

In 1487, the vicious Innocentius VIII issued a papal bull calling for the final extermination of the Waldensians. Under the command 
of La Palus, the crusade began. The houses of the heretics were looted and the inhabitants massacred. Most of those who survived did so 
by fleeing. The few who remained behind in the ruins of their ancestral dwellings were seemingly broken and ready to make their peace 
with the almighty church. Their property was then returned to them. 

A period of quiet, however, proved not to be peace but only a prelude to new storms. Scarcely forty years later, simple faith again 
triumphed over the material might of medieval terror. Again Rome gathered its strength for the kill. The Edict of Fontainebleau (1540) 
had given fresh impetus to the hatred of heretics. It began when sixteen Waldensians of Merindol were denounced by the bishop and 
required to appear to answer charges. Knowing what fate awaited them, they did not present themselves. They were thereupon declared 
outlaws, and their houses, wives and children the property of the state. The little town of Merindol was to be laid waste, all buildings 
destroyed, all trees chopped down. Should they recant, the king expressed the wish that mildness would prevail. The Waldensians 
replied, however, that they would only be willing to recant if their errors could be proved to them from scripture. 

Now, in 1545, came the severest trial. The soldiers of the secular authority marched into Merindol, strangled everyone they found 
there, and destroyed the entire little town. Calvieres and the other villages suffered a like fate. Those who had fled into the mountains 
begged a safe passage to Germany. This being refused, they starved to death in their hiding places. Altogether, over twenty two villages 
were destroyed, 3,000 people murdered, more than 600 Waldensians condemned to the galleys, and others most horribly tortured. Then 
false reports were dispatched to Paris concerning the atrocities of the heretics. However, the tortures inflicted by the inflamed soldiery 
and sadistic monks reached the ears of Francis I, and even on his death bed he urged Henry II to ease the plight of the Waldensians, 
which the latter, in fact, did. 

The Waldensian community, despite its wide dispersal, was not very strong, and consequently lacking in aggressive thrust. 
Nevertheless, the idea of resistance to monkish degeneracy and spiritual gagging permeated France in a hundred other forms. It was a 
France which was at that time still Germanic Nordic in character, and well supplemented by a Mediterranean element. 

Eventually, all these currents came together in the bold Huguenot movement which, had it been victorious, would have given the 
history of western Europe another impetus — an upward one. 

The numbers of those who fought for a life which would be true to their racial type was extraordinarily large in the France of the 
time. They were to be found in all classes and all professions, from cardinals and princes of the blood down to the humblest artisan. 
Hundreds of recorded cases tell us of simple folk, dragged before the clerical and secular courts, who proved to be more learned in the 
scriptures than those who sat in judgement on them, and who could give more intelligent answers to questions of the creed than the 
learned Inquisitors. 

This knowledge of their own superiority gave them the fortitude to face the torments of the stake. Often enough, it led the judges 
themselves to professions of support for the heretical idea. 

This is hardly surprising if one is aware that the most abysmal ignorance was not only evident among the lower clergy, but that there 
were even (as Robert Stephanus tells us) professors of theology at the Sorbonne who, in their rage against the heretics, declared that they 
themselves had reached the age of fifty without knowing anything about the new testament, and therefore a layman had no business to 
concern himself with it. 

About the year 1400, the pope netted some 100,000 gulden from the sale of indulgences in German lands alone. In England, in 
1374, parliament estimated that the vicar of Christ pocketed five times the amount of taxes that fell to their own king. The identical 
complaint, all too justified, was raised throughout France. All classes groaned under the burden of church taxes. Indeed, honest monks, 
like the Franciscans Vitriarius and Meriot, demanded the abolition of the unworthy trade in indulgences. In the same way as with the 
holy blood of Wilsnack, so also was the corrupt trade carried on at the holy house of Loreto (which the angels were supposed to have 
carried to Europe from Palestine) and these miraculous places proved to be veritable gold mines. Church benefices multiplied so 
profusely that Calvin was made a curate at the age of twelve and a priest at eighteen, although he had never previously undertaken the 
necessary theological studies. The income from benefices had to be secured regardless of personal qualifications. 

Such evils led to much critical reflection and, as a result, a succession of heroic figures experienced the flames of the stake. There 
was the Archbishop of Aries, Louis Allemand, who, at the Council of Basel, defended the principle of the conciliar movement with his 
utmost strength against papal dictatorship. There was shrewd old Jacob Lefevre, who worked toward the education of a free younger 
generation, and whose work was continued by his pupil Briconnet. There was William Farel, a fiery spirit, who placed himself in the 
midst of the struggle, and who later became a leading reformer in Neuchatel, Lausanne and Geneva. There were also Casoli and Michael 
d' Arnande. There were the aristocratic Burgundian Languet and the brilliant Beza and Hotoman. Above all, there towers that courageous 
and bold nobleman from Artois, Louis de Berquin, amid a mighty band. A man of faith, full of frankness and clarity of vision, he was a 
superb writer, and has been called, not unjustly, the French Ulrich von Hutten. With him, there was the simple wool carder from Meaux, 
Jean Leclerc, who preached revolution against the anti Christ in Rome, and who, like Luther, nailed his proclamation to the cathedral 
doors. There was the heroic Pouvan who suffered a martyr's death, and Franz Lambert, a Franciscan, and a hundred others who 
preached the freedom of the gospel and of thought in forests and cellars as the best of the early Christians had once done in the Roman 
catacombs. 

Even before the Huguenot movement had taken a firm hold in France and found some protection under the leadership of Conde and 
the great Admiral Coligny, the same persecution had spread over the whole land as in the quiet valleys of the Alpes Cottiennes and in 
Provence. Berquin the Bold was seized and ordered to recant. His tongue was pierced with red hot pincers and he was condemned to life 
imprisonment. He did not recant and, instead, appealed to the king. It was in vain. He was finally burned at the stake on the 22nd of 
April, 1527. Even from the flames he spoke to the people, but his speech was drowned out by the howls of the monks and the 
executioners: they feared him even in death. 

It has been reported of Nero that he caused his gardens to be illuminated with burning human torches. In the sixteenth century of our 

The Myth of the 20th Century 22 



Lord, his most Christian majesty, the King of France, walked in stately procession from saint Germain 1' Auxerrois to Notre Dame and 
thence to his palace. On the squares which he had to traverse, there stood, to the glory and honour of the holy mother church, the stakes 
and the wood piles whereon unyielding heretics were to suffer death amid the fires. Twenty four heretics died thus on that day in Paris. 

The victims of persecution began to flee to Germany for refuge. Among them were Calvin, Roussel, and Marot. Savage edicts for 
the persecution of heretics followed rapidly one upon the other. In Meaux, the first protestant community in France, an assembly was 
taken by surprise. When they refused to recant, fourteen suffered death by burning. They died calling out prayers to one another. The 
day after, a theological scholar from the Sorbonne proved that those who were burned were also consigned to eternal damnation. He 
added: And if an angel came down from heaven and wished to assure us of the contrary, we would have to reject this; for god would not 
be god if he did not damn them forever. 

Just as in Meaux, so throughout France the fires of the stake flared skyward. But again and again the chronicles attest to the 
unbroken courage of the condemned. Jean Chapot was carried to the place of execution because the torturers had previously broken his 
legs. As he continued to proclaim his faith, he was quickly strangled lest his heretical ideas infect the onlookers. After this, because 
similar cases were occurring all over, it became the practice to cut out the tongues of obdurate heretics before leading them to the 
stake— AD MAIOREM DEI GLORIAM! 

History not only records a great number of well authenticated stories of the heroism of those burned at the stake, it also reports 
many conversions among the judges themselves. Such was the case of the courageous Du Bourg, who calmly accepted his sentence of 
death and was strangled. There were numerous similar cases among other men of the France of those days. The great tragedies of 
individual heroism and agony were transformed, however, into bold, skilful and joyous counterattack, when the best of the French 
higher nobility stood as Huguenots at the head of the struggle for freedom of thought. The fight against Romish power was waged in 
eight bloody wars throughout the length and breadth of France. The dispute over holy communion, which appeared generally as the 
principal doctrinal conflict, was really only a superficial manifestation of a much deeper spiritual division. Coligny, when he later held 
power, demonstrated his basic outlook by demanding freedom of belief not only for himself but also for the catholics of Chatillon. 

Since, however, the Huguenots found themselves confronted by absolute rigidity, and the representatives of Rome demanded 
compliance on that basis, the protestants were left no recourse but to institute gradually a similarly sharply defined canon which, quite 
naturally, because it was essentially unnatural, brought the various protestant sects into conflict with one another. But underlying all 
these things was the much deeper and primal Germanic idea of inner freedom. New doctrines and new forms became only symbols of 
resistance to Roman dogmas. Thus the holy mass was opposed by almost all Huguenots. 

In the souls of the Huguenot aristocracy, there arose a dichotomy which severely handicapped their cause. While they demanded 
absolute freedom of conscience and teaching, they were compelled to put their demands to a king to whom they were devoted in a civil 
and political respect according to the ancient Frankish concept of fealty. The king, however, was not only a catholic, but saw in a 
uniformity of religion a necessary feature of the security of the body politic. In this way it came about that when later the Huguenot 
forces gathered at Orleans and La Rochelle against the king, and fought against his armies at Jarnac, saint Denis and Moncontour, they 
still, with complete sincerity, proclaimed their loyalty and passed resolutions in which they claimed that the king was not free but a 
captive of the Roman party. This view was confirmed in their eyes after each conclusion of peace. 

Even at the zenith of their strength, the Huguenots were still only a minority. Their advantages lay in the skill and energy of their 
leaders, in the heroism of a new feeling for life, and in the resurgent call of their ancient blood. Their enemies, on the other hand, were 
weakened by disputes among their leaders and the constant fear of the king that his generals, such as Anjou, would become too 
powerful. 

The massacre at Vassy, where the Duke of Guise had the Huguenots slaughtered as they knelt in prayer, was one of the first 
indications that it was to be a fight to the bitter end. And so the Huguenots, always prepared for sacrifices, responded when the call to 
arms came from the great Conde. In spite of some defeats, the Huguenots managed to take more and more fortresses, castles, and cities, 
and sought now in the north and now in the south to establish their own strongholds. 

In these wars the finest of the ancient French blood was spilled on the battlefields by each side. Thus died the old Constable 
Montmorency, who fought, not from religious hatred like the Guises, but as a loyal vassal of his king. He ended his life on the field of 
saint Denis at the age of seventy four. Then, one by one, all the protestant leaders fell, with Andelot and Conde at their head. Disdaining 
his broken thigh, the great prince leaped in front of his army at Jarnac: Well then, you nobles of France, here is the battle we have 
awaited so long. His horse was wounded and fell. An enemy captain then struck him down from behind. 

Even after a favourable peace, a frightful fate awaited the Huguenot troops on coming home. The inflamed catholic majority 
plundered their houses, drove out their families, and murdered the returning soldiers. After the peace of Longjumeau, for example, such 
pogroms were deliberately organised by the authorities. Lyons, Amiens, Troyes, Rouen, Socissons and other cities witnessed a bloody 
frenzy which claimed more victims among the protestants than had the war itself in six whole months. Contemporary writers estimated 
the number of those slain after the conclusion of peace at 10,000. By contrast, Moncontour, probably the most bloody of the battles 
fought later, cost only about 6,000. Simultaneously an incessant stream of hatred poured out from Rome demanding the complete 
annihilation of heretics. Pius V castigated the French king because he had made concessions to the Huguenots, and praised those of his 
subjects like the Duke of Nemours who continued the slaughter in defiance of the king's decrees. The pope promised money and 
soldiers and called for yet more blood to be shed. His biographer, Gabutius, extols Pius V as the instigator of the Third Huguenot War. 
Not even the victory of Jarnac and the death of Conde satisfied this vicar of Christ. His benedictions were combined with the injunction 
to exterminate all heretics, even the prisoners of war. He called down the anger of god in advance upon any weakening. He continued in 
this vein after the peace of saint Germain, and incited the king's subjects against the court. 

Yet it still seemed as though the old Germanic character would triumph in the end. The court had already once been under Huguenot 
influence, and in place of debauched revels there had entered into the royal palaces a hard, even narrow minded, sobriety. Once more the 
Huguenots gained acceptance when Charles IX summoned Coligny to his service. To the leader of the heretics he said, I bid you 

The Myth of the 20th Century 23 



welcome as no nobleman has been welcomed for twenty years ! Thus for a brief time a new hand guided the destiny of France — until 
everything was destroyed in the massacre of saint Bartholomew's Eve. Vacillating, characterless, given to fits of maniacal rage, the king 
inclined to the Roman faction, and they pushed him into the murder of Coligny. 

Now there was no turning back. The Germanic tide, which had seemed about to sweep triumphantly through France, collapsed. 
When Coligny' s bloody corpse was thrown before the feet of the Duke of Guise, the latter wiped the blood from Coligny' s face and said 
contemptuously, Yes indeed, that is he, and proceeded to kick the cadaver. Meanwhile in Rome, at the Castle of saint Angelo, the 
massacre was celebrated with public holidays, and a special coin was minted in honour of Coligny' s murderer. In Paris, the pious rabble 
even cut off the hands of France's great hero and dragged the corpse for three days through the filth of the streets. 

The end was fast approaching. The remaining Huguenot leaders who had gathered in Paris for the wedding of Henry of Navarre to 
Margaret of Valois either perished in the blood bath of saint Bartholomew's Eve, or were slaughtered after fleeing to other areas. In 
Orleans, 1,500 men, as well as numerous women and children, were murdered in the course of five days; in Lyons, 1,800 perished. Day 
after day the cities of Provence witnessed mutilated corpses floating down the rivers. Aries could draw no drinking water from the river 
for many days. In Rouen, the maddened scoundrels murdered 800 people in two days; in Toulouse, 300. 

The tall, blond Huguenot women — distinctive as ever — whose men folk had been treacherously murdered, were frequently 
subjected to the most obscene indignities at the hands of the rabble which was egged on by foul mouthed monks and priests. The mob, 
with the blessing of the church, showed no mercy to the heretics. The final results of saint Bartholomew's Eve were more than 70,000 
slain. 

When later struggles brought no success, hundreds of thousands of Huguenots preferred to leave a spiritually oppressed France. 
Prussia, England, and the Netherlands reckon the descendants of these emigres (estimated at almost two million) as among the finest of 
their fellow citizens. 

The decisive fact that emerges from all this bloodletting is, however, the deterioration of the character of the French nation. That 
true pride, that unbending resolution, that nobility of mind, which the early Huguenot leadership epitomised, was lost. When in the 
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, classical French philosophy undermined church dogma and brought it into disrepute, it was 
certainly imbued with much acuteness of intellect and scintillating wit. Nevertheless, it is evident with Rousseau and even with Voltaire 
that it lacked genuine nobility of mind such as distinguished Berquin, Conde, Coligny and Teligny. This intellectualism was abstract and 
divorced from life, and in this way the 14th of July 1789 was a symbol of impotence of character. The revolution under Coligny had 
been a true and full blooded one while the events of 1793 were merely bloodthirsty and sterile because they were not sustained by 
anyone of great character. No geniuses inspired the Girondins and Jacobins — only insane philistines, egomaniacal demagogues and 
those hyenas of the political battlefields who plunder the forlorn corpses. 

Just as in Russia during the Bolshevik revolution the Tartarised subhumans murdered anyone who, by their tall stature and confident 
carriage, looked suspiciously like an aristocrat, so also did the swart Jacobin rabble drag to the scaffold anyone who was slender and 
blond. Expressed in terms of racial history, with the destruction of the Huguenots, the Nordic racial strength in France was, if not 
absolutely eliminated, at least seriously weakened. Classical France displayed only intellect without greatness of soul. This decline of 
character was instinctively realised by the hungry masses who joined with the rapacious subhuman elements to do away with the last 
men of quality. Since that time, the mixed Mediterranean Alpine type (not the Celt) has stepped into the foreground. The shopkeepers, 
lawyers, and speculators have become the masters of public life. Democracy, which is to say the rule of money rather than of character, 
had arrived. Now it no longer mattered whether France was a monarchy or a republic; the nineteenth century citizenry remained racially 
uncreative. For that very reason, the Jewish banker was able to push himself to the front, followed by Jewish journalists and Jewish 
Marxists. Only the tradition of a thousand years of history and the enduring geographical factors still continued to determine the basic 
thrust of French power politics. But this was manifested in a very different manner than in the period between the fourteenth and 
sixteenth centuries. Whoever was still of noble disposition in France withdrew from the dirty business of politics and lived in 
conservative seclusion on provincial estates from which their sons left only to serve the fatherland in the army, and especially in the 
navy. Even at the end of the nineteenth century, observers at naval balls were astonished to discover that all the officers were blond. 

This strength, which still existed in northern France (Normandy was always regarded during the time of heresies as Little Germany), 
was what confronted the German Reich in 1914. It was a strength, however, which was no longer under the direction of leaders of the 
same race, but under Rothschild bankers and other financial interests of that breed. In addition there were the types of Fallieres or 
Millerand, and the Alpine inadequacies of many of the Marxist leaders. Today, the very last few drops of the valuable blood are finally 
trickling away. Over vast stretches of the south, it has entirely disappeared and is now being replaced by African elements, as was once 
the fate of Rome. The port cities of Toulon and Marseilles transmit unceasingly the germs of bastardisation throughout the land. An ever 
more degenerate populace circumambulates the Notre Dame. Negroes and mulattos stroll about on arms of white women. An 
exclusively Jewish quarter has arisen with new synagogues. Arrogant and repulsive bastardlike creatures pollute the race of the still 
beautiful women who are drawn to Paris from the French provinces. It is a modern repetition of the tragedy which long overtook 
Persepolis, Athens, and Rome. 

This is why a close alliance with France, quite apart from the military and political aspects, would be racially so dangerous. On the 
contrary, what is needed is a clarion call for defence against African infiltration, for the closing of frontiers on the basis of 
anthropological considerations, and the establishment of a Nordic European coalition for the object of cleansing Mother Europe of the 
filth of Africa and the Levant. This would be in the true interests of the French themselves. 

Today the history of the kingdom of the Franks is ended. It matters little whether France is governed by clerical power seekers or 
inane free thinkers; the great creative impulse is moribund. France will henceforth be afflicted by an instinctual racial angst which is the 
inescapable heritage of the crossbreed, however superficially secure he may appear to be. It is this which accounts for the still obsessive 
fear of a Germany which was only overcome with the aid of the entire world. Germany, then, has the best of reasons for studying the life 
courses of its neighbours in order to arouse all its inner strength to avert the same dire fate. 

The Myth of the 20th Century 24 



Germany, predominantly protestant, had no need for a Bastille Day. Although pressed back for a time by the spirit of Alpine cum 
Levantine Rome, a strong ring of resistance based on character was drawn around the Baltic basin, and this thwarted the attempts of 
Rome to oppress it. Indeed, it directly compelled Rome to reform its moral life in order to survive at all. 

But the Teuton has not, unfortunately, kept up his guard. Magnanimously, he conceded to alien blood those same rights which he 
had gained for himself as a result of his great sacrifices through the centuries. He carried tolerance of religious diversity and scientific 
speculation into areas where he would have done better to lay down strict limitations; the areas involving the creation of the national 
state and of the folkish type. Such are the prerequisites for organic life in general. He failed to see that a spirit of tolerance, as between 
catholic and protestant religious convictions, was not at all the same thing as toleration of anti Germanic racial values. Surely it is 
obvious that there is no equivalence of rights as between the stock market manipulator and the heroic man; or those who follow the un 
Germanic laws of the Talmud cannot be accorded equal rights in shaping the national life as a Hanseatic merchant or a German officer. 

This failure on the part of the Teuton was a sin against his own blood. From it there sprang that sense of a great national guilt. This, 
in turn, resulted in the emergence of the two Germanies, which had already been discernible in 1870-1871, and which confronted each 
other irreconcilably after 1914, finally to fall apart in 1918, and are locked in a life and death struggle ever since. The struggle which 
was carried on during the wars of the heretics and at the time of Gustavus Adolphus is renewed in our own time but under different 
symbols. Such symbols are not simply those of an abstract theological nature, but represent with overwhelming clarity an organic 
antithesis between what is Nordic Germanic and the lesser races imbued with the spiritual nature of the near east. 

It was the blood sacrifices of the nations upon the battlefields of the world which gave the democratic men of the east and their 
bastardised accomplices in the large cities the opportunity to achieve ascendancy. That human type which first began to gain 
predominance in the France of 150 years ago, has since 1918 — financed by the wealth of the Levant — assumed the leadership of 
democracy in Germany. It is a type to which the older values are incomprehensible and which therefore fights openly and insolently 
against those values on every street and square. The stupidest of ideals is the ideal of the hero, proclaims the Berlin Daily Newspaper. 
Honour was accorded to successful speculators. Eastern Jewish bankers became the sources of finance for the parties committed to 
preserving the state, whereas those who fought against such a mockery of the Germanic character were thrown into prison on the charge 
of attacking the form of government. This inversion of values is the inevitable accompaniment of the change in the ruling caste. A single 
glance at the lineup of the Marxist democratic leadership demonstrates in a horrifying way the racial decline which had taken place 
between the time of Moltke, Roon, Bismarck and William I, and that of those parliamentarians who, until 1933, managed the German 
stock exchange colony from Berlin. 

The dominion of this cast up Alpine Jewish amalgam, at a time when the worthier part of the nation was living in dreadful despair, 
seemed assured as a result of its immediate and instinctive alliance with those forces governing present day France — a France whose 
threadbare ideology it used to justify the spiritual poverty of the revolution of 1918. As it had achieved power through these false values, 
it was incapable of changing its course. German democracy, a form of French politics in Germany, originates in the last analysis from 
the natural affinity between decadent spirits which see upright character as a living reproach, and thus seek to ally themselves with what 
is degenerate. This is also the explanation for the sympathy which postrevolutionary Russia calls forth in all centres of Marxist 
subhumanity. Behind the glittering facade of touted principles, or Realpolitik considerations, there flows a current of subconscious racial 
power, a surging flood filled with the sewage of racial chaos. As this runs entirely counter to historical tradition and geopolitical 
legitimacy, it is wholly destructive to the German nation. 

Historians who deal with the painful history of the struggles between Rome and the heretics always declare that these events must 
be viewed on the basis of the world picture and the conditions prevailing at that time. This is argued both by the defenders of Rome and 
by its accusers. In so doing, they have fallen victims to a fatal error. They have failed to see that, in addition to transitory circumstances, 
there exist immutable and basic laws which, although they contend in various forms, nevertheless remain constant in the direction of 
their effect. The struggle of Nordic man against Roman ecumenicalism is a 2000-year-old fact which has simultaneously been a 
condition of the times. Therefore, an understanding of present events also retains its basic justification in assessing the contending forces 
of race and racial chaos in times past. But what perished in these conflicts of the past is precisely what has not been treated of by 
competent historians — the annihilation of racial substance in southern France, the similar extermination of creative blood in the then still 
strongly Germanic core of Austria by the counterreformation, and other resultant conditions of the times. 

Conventional historiography has sought to explain away what is immutable, so that what is really conditioned by the times is 
generally evaluated from only one aspect, and its characteristics only superficially examined. With this realisation, a new foundation has 
been laid for the future recorders and researchers of western development through study of the unchanging values of the racial soul 
which makes possible an ascending progress for the strong of heart. 

The foregoing still requires some elaboration so that it does not appear as a superficial judgement of great questions. Consider the 
history of the Hussites. The protestant movement in Bohemia exhibits a fundamental difference from that of France. In France there was 
a single language, a single tradition of government, and clear tendencies toward unified nationhood. In Bohemia, on the contrary, 
German and Czech confronted one another as forces separated in large part by race. The Czechs, for their part, were stratified by race 
into a Nordic Slavic nobility, and lower orders of an Alpine Dinaric stamp, thus displaying that type which the modern Czech so plainly 
embodies. Under Anglosaxon influence (Wycliffe), the Slavic Czechs withdrew from Roman ecumenicalism in the same manner as the 
emerging German nation or the Huguenots in France. This movement produced the so called Utraquist church which, in the Articles of 
Prague (August 1, 1420), demanded above all free preaching without subordination to higher ecclesiastical authorities. There followed 
the usual demands for holy communion, the dissolution of church property, and the end of the practice of absolution for deadly sins 
through atonements prescribed by human authority. The free Czech clergy had to enlist the lower classes of their people in presenting 
these demands, which were answered with papal bulls. Here was revealed the alien nature of the Alpine Dinaric type which manifested 
itself in barbarous savagery coupled with the grossest superstition. The one eyed maniacal Ziska of Trocnow, whose head in the Prague 
National Museum shows him to have been an eastern hither Asiatic type, was the first expression of this totally destructive Taborite 

The Myth of the 20th Century 25 



movement, which the Czechs must thank for the extermination of the last remaining Germanic powers active within them, as well as the 
repression of all that was truly Slavic. 

As if under the compulsion of near eastern insanity, the Taborite zealots declared: In this time of retaliation, all cities, towns and 
fortresses must be devastated, razed to the ground and burned. This included Prague (the Babylon of cities). Chiliasm, which has also 
poisoned many other protestant movements up to the present day, was imbibed from the old testament. It led Czech farmers to abandon 
their goods and property in imminent anticipation of the kingdom of god on earth and this, in turn, to the looting of German property. 

The Taborites declared war upon the Utraquists. By 1420, they had already proclaimed a doctrine which ever since has been echoed 
by all subhuman rebels against genius and the spirit of inquiry: Every man who studies the liberal arts is frivolous and heathen. The 
genuine Czech patriots completely lost their senses just as did the Russian intellectuals in 1917 in the face of the rising Bolshevik 
menace. Here was a clear demonstration of Czech inferiority which wrung from Franz Palacky the admission in 1 846 that the Germans 
of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries had acquired increasing superiority: 

From this we draw the unpleasant and distressing conclusion that something exists in the natures of the two peoples, Czech and 
German, which, quite apart from political conditions, endows the latter, as opposed to the former, with a greater breadth of mind, and 
ensures a continuing ascendancy, but that we possess some deep rooted fault that eats like a canker at the core of our life. 

And when the Czech national cause triumphed, and Czechs everywhere exulted, a terrible spiritual and moral decline set in for this 
very reason. The patriot Hassenstein sorrowfully declared: Anyone who tries to live uprightly has to flee our fatherland. Another Czech 
nationalist, Viktorin von Wischerd, confessed: One can find almost no feature of our state which is not broken or weakened. 
Hassenstein' s words in 1506 to a friend in Germany anticipate the observation by Palacky about a poison in the Czechs and, in alluding 
to the Germanic race as a healing force, sound like a yearning for a different kind of Czech. He wrote: 

Once, admittedly, under the Ottos, Heinrichs, Friedrichs, when Germany flourished, our power also grew Bohemia was 

considered the noblest part of the Reich: but now, when your state system is shaken, we not merely tremble but utterly collapse wars 

harry you; we are consumed by blight. 

From the first, the German element, despite much sympathy for the anti Roman cause, found itself driven back by the Hussite 
Taborite movement, and this naturally led to an accommodation with the papal forces. A simple instinct for self preservation in the face 
of the rebellion of the Dinaric Alpine people brought about a superficial identification with Rome, but without essential inward 
harmony. In times of great revolutions, little is spared; Taboritism, however, cost the Czechs virtually everything they possessed in the 
way of their own cultural strength. Since that time, they have remained uncreative, and have to thank for their eventual cultural recovery 
the later influx of German formative power. Barbarism coupled with pettiness has, unfortunately, remained a distinguishing 
characteristic of the Czechs to the present day. Equating the reformation with the Nordic spirit is thus not valid in this context, for in 
many places the great Nordic ideal of freedom of soul and mind also released from beneficial forms men who possessed neither free 
souls nor the upward striving of an inquiring spirit. 

The study of Czech history is extremely instructive for future research into race history. It teaches one how to distinguish between 
false and true freedom. Freedom in the Germanic sense means inward independence, the scope for research, the extension of knowledge, 
and true religious feeling. Freedom for near eastern hybrids and swarthy mongrels means unrestrained license to destroy other cultural 
values. The first kind had produced in Greece the highest cultural development. However, after the Levantine slave element was 
admitted to humanity, total destruction of its creations ensued. To grant outward freedom to everyone without distinction is to deliver 
oneself over to racial chaos. Only freedom as a bond between racial kindred guarantees the highest development. But this requires 
protection of the racial type. This also emerges from Czech history. 

The 300,000 Huguenots who fled to Germany were either of pure Nordic race or were representatives of a type which was 
conditioned by Germanic character. There was thus no difficulty in assimilating in fraternal harmony with the Germans. When, in 1789, 
the French revolution inaugurated a new persecution not only of dispossessed courtiers but also of genuinely noble characters, many a 
Frenchman found a new home in Prussia. Fouque, Chamisso and Fontane are French names, as are the names of a large number of 
German heroes of the Great War. On the other hand, Kant traced his ancestry to Scotsmen, Beethoven to Hollanders, and Houston 
Stewart Chamberlain, an Englishman, brought to light from their hidden depths the most beautiful treasures of the German soul. What 
all this shows is a happy cross fertilisation of men and ideas on the basis of a Germanic perception of life. Something utterly different is 
demonstrated today in the so called pan Europeanism which is promoted by all internationalists and Jews. This program is not aimed at 
the assimilation of Germanically conditioned elements in Europe, but at the coalescing of the racially chaotic refuse of megalopolises 
and a pacifistic business deal between large and petty traders. In the final analysis, it is the repression, at the behest of Jewish finance 
and enforced by the presence of the French military, of the Germanic forces in Germany — and throughout the world. 

The external state form which safeguarded German nationality has been smashed. The pseudostate, until the turning point came in 
1933, was controlled by anti German forces. It was threatened in the west by the aggressive French who were, as always, hostile to all 
that is German. In the east, what is German has been enveloped by violent torrents. Originally Russia was the creation of Vikings. 
Germanic elements brought order to the chaos of the Russian steppes and formed the inhabitants into a political entity which made 
possible the development of a culture. When the Viking strain died out, the role was assumed by Germans of the Hanse, and by western 
immigrants generally. Since Peter the Great, the Baltic Germans guided the state, and this was to be seen even as late as the turn of the 
twentieth century in the influence of the strongly Germanised peoples of the Baltic littoral. But in Russia under the upper classes bearing 
culture, there always persisted the yearning for boundless expansion and a powerful impetus to destroy all life forms which might 
constitute barriers to it. The partially Mongol blood, even if considerably diluted, asserted itself during all the upheavals in Russian 
history, and impelled men into actions which have often seemed incomprehensible even to those who participated in them. The sudden 
inversion of all moral and social norms which is a recurring feature in Russian life (and in Russian literature from Chaadayev to 
Dostoyevsky and Gorki) is a sign that hostile bloodstreams contend with one another, and that this struggle will not be resolved until the 
strength of one has triumphed over the other. Bolshevism is the revolt of the Mongol strain against the Nordic cultural forms. It is the 

The Myth of the 20th Century 26 



longing for the steppes and the hatred of the nomad for the roots of personality, signifying an attempt to cast off Europe as a whole. The 
eastern Baltic race, which has many poetic gifts, shows itself, mixed as it is with a Mongol element, to be pliant clay either in the hands 
of Nordic leadership or under Jewish and Mongol tyrants. It sings and dances, but as easily murders and ravages. It is capable of true 
devotion, but once the restraints of discipline are removed it can become uninhibitedly treacherous until it is constrained by the 
imposition of new forms, even if they are tyrannical in nature. 

If anywhere, it is in the east that the profound truths of racially based historical interpretation are to be found. But also revealed is 
the great hour of peril in which the Nordic essence now finds itself. Forces eating away at the inside of every land, together with the 
aroused sewage of the lower depths, obligate everyone concerned about the total culture of Europe to create a solid front of Nordic 
destiny which will cut across the artificial confrontation of victors and vanquished of the Great War. This recognition lays a great duty 
upon all more deeply inquiring spirits, and demands the development of exceptional strength of character. 

At one time, the early Christians found a faith strong enough to enable them to endure all martyrdoms and persecutions. When 
Rome abused this commitment, hundreds of thousands in Europe arose anew, strong in faith, and continued the fight on the pyres of the 
stake for freedom of belief and freedom of inquiry. Others allowed themselves to be hounded from place to place and to be chained in 
the galleys along with negroes and Turks. As Stedingers and Waldenses, they fought to the last man for a life true to their own racial 
essence. They created all the foundations of western Nordic culture. Without Coligny and Luther there would have been no Bach, no 
Goethe, no Leibniz, no Kant. 

Today a new faith is awakening — the Myth of the blood; the belief that to defend the blood is also to defend the divine nature of 
man in general. It is a belief, effulgent with the brightest knowledge, that Nordic blood represents that MYSTERIVM which has 
overcome and replaced the older sacraments. 

A review of history from the remotest past to the present day presents the manifold forms of Nordic creative power to our gaze. 
Aryan India gave the world a metaphysic which has never since been equalled; Aryan Persia constructed for us the religious Myth from 
which we still draw sustenance; Doric Hellas had a dream of earthly beauty which we see in static perfection never again attained; Italic 
Rome taught us that formal state discipline with which a threatened community must fashion and defend itself. And Germanic Europe 
gave to mankind its most radiant ideal. It taught the necessity of character as the foundation for all culture, and the highest values of the 
Nordic nature — the concepts of honour and freedom of conscience. This was fought for on battlefields everywhere as well as in the 
studies of scholars. If it does not triumph in the great struggle which is coming, the west and its blood will perish, just as India and 
Hellas are dissolved forever in chaos. 

With the recognition that all that is creative in Europe has been the product of character, we have uncovered the essence of 
European religion, of Germanic science, and of Nordic art. To become fully conscious of this, to experience it with all the passion of an 
heroic heart, is to create the basis for every rebirth. It is the foundation of a new world view, of a new yet old idea of the state, of the 
Myth of a new comprehension of life, which alone will give us the strength to throw off the arrogant dominion of the subhumans, and to 
construct a culture in conformity with our own racial character, permeating all facets of existence. 

The purpose of A critique of pure reason is to make us conscious of the formal prerequisites of every possible experience, and to 
limit the multitudinous options of man's activities to specific areas exclusively devoted to them. Ignoring perceptive critical insights has 
led in all areas to the greatest relapses into barbarism. Kant's critique of knowledge signified clearly a conscious awakening in an era 
which had begun to weary of the religious scholastic, the aridity of naturalism or the oppressiveness of the sensual. With due 
recognition, however, of the great achievement of Kant's critique of reason, it must be added that nothing was determined beyond the 
formal concerning the inner nature and the manner of employment of rational and spiritual powers. An evaluation of the innermost 
nature of the various cultures and world views was not attempted. This had been supplied sufficiently by the Roman catholic system, 
Jewry, and Islamic fanaticism. In its heart, a people of culture permits no one the right to assess its creations as good and bad, true and 
false. Cultures are not, in fact, things which descend from the empyrean, for no known reason, as formal culture cycles upon one then 
another region of the earth. They are full blooded creations which are each in their own way (rational and irrational) metaphysically 
rooted, grouped about an intangible centre, related to a highest value. All possess, even if later distorted, an element of life enhancing 
truth. Every race has its soul and every soul its race — its own unique internal and external architectonic shape, its characteristic form of 
appearance and demeanour of lifestyle, and a unique relationship between its forces of will and reason. Every race cultivates its own 
highest ideal. If, by the massive infiltration of alien blood and alien ideas, this is changed or overthrown, the result of this inner 
metamorphosis is chaos and, by epochs, catastrophe. For a highest value demands a specific nexus of other precepts of life which are 
subject to it; that is, it determines the style of existence of a race, a people or a group of peoples within a nation. Its elimination therefore 
involves the dissolution of the entire inner tension necessary for organic creation. 

After such catastrophes, it is possible for the spiritual forces to regroup around the old foci and to generate, under new conditions, a 
new form of being. This can result either from a final victory over those alien values whose intrusion was merely temporary, or by the 
toleration of a crystallisation of a second centre alongside the first. A juxtaposition in space and time, however, of two or more world 
views, each based upon different highest values which are meant to be shared by the same people, is a temporary makeshift which 
carries within it the seeds of a new collapse. To the extent that the invading ethos succeeds in weakening the original races and peoples 
and their ideas — even physically undermining them and subjugating them — it signifies the death of a culture soul and its disappearance, 
even in its external manifestations, from the face of the earth. 

The life of a race, of a people, is not a philosophically logical development, nor even a process which unfolds in terms of natural 
law. It is the formation of a mystical synthesis, of an activity of the soul, which cannot be explained by rational deduction nor made 
intelligible through analyses of cause and effect. Comprehending the inner heart of a culture consists therefore in elucidating its highest 
religious, moral, philosophic, scientific, and aesthetic values. These determine its total rhythm and, simultaneously, qualify the 
reciprocal relationship and arrangements of human powers. A people that is primarily religiously oriented will evolve a different sort of 
culture from that produced by one for which knowledge or beauty prescribe the form of being. Thus any philosophy which goes beyond 

The Myth of the 20th Century 27 



formal rational criticism is less a perception than a confession of faith; a spiritual and racial credo and an avowal of character values. 

Our present era of chaos is the product of centuries. Peculiar circumstances have permitted outside forces to intrude upon the 
Nordically conditioned people, and their laws of life have been thereby weakened. In many places our faith in our own set of ultimate 
values has been taken from us, or modified as subordinate features of a new system. The racial soul of northern Europe stood fast in a 
continuous resistance to these phenomena of decay until, in spite of all, new and hostile centres of power arose. The nineteenth century 
revealed the existence of three fully developed and contiguous systems throughout Europe. The first was the original Nordic west, based 
on freedom of the soul and the concept of honour; the second was the fully matured Roman system which required humble and 
submissive love in the service of a centrally governed priesthood; the third was the naked harbinger of chaos — limitless materialistic 
individualism with its goal of world dominion by money as a force, unifying and type forming. 

These three forces contended, and still contend, for the soul of every European. Even in the last century, men were still summoned 
to fight for freedom, honour and nationhood. However, 1918 saw the victory of the powers of plutocracy and of the church of Rome. But 
even in the midst of the most terrible collapse, the old Nordic racial soul awakened to a heightened consciousness. It has finally grasped 
the truth that the coexistence of different, and perforce mutually exclusive, highest values cannot also coexist with equal rights, as, to its 
present detriment, it once believed possible. It understands that what is racially and spiritually akin can be assimilated, but that which is 
alien must be unflinchingly excised, or if necessary, destroyed. This is not because it is false or bad in itself, but rather because it is 
racially alien and fatal to the inner structure of our being. Our duty today is to see ourselves with the utmost clarity, and either to 

acknowledge our own highest values and the ideas which sustain the Germanic west, or to reject our true nature in body and soul 

forever. 

The real struggle of our times does not so much involve external power displacements and inner compromise (as it did in earlier 
periods) but rather the rebuilding of the spiritual cells of the Nordically conditioned peoples. It concerns the reinstatement to their 
dominant place of those ideas and values from which everything we understand by culture stems. It concerns the preservation of the 
racial substance itself. Possibly for a long time to come, the political power situation will continue to our disadvantage. However, if one 
day we can visualise and create a new, yet very old, type of German somewhere who, conscious of soul, race and history, unhesitatingly 
proclaims the old, yet new, values; then around this nucleus will gather all who now stumble in darkness though rooted in the ancient 
soil of the European homeland. 

This is stated at this time in order to acknowledge from the very beginning that there is no intention of promoting that delusion of a 
science without hypotheses, such as academic obscurantists have usually done and continue to do in order to lend their opinions the 
colour of universally valid propositions. There is no such a thing as a science without hypotheses. A group of assumptions are made, 
comprising ideas, theories and hypotheses, in order to direct the unorganised powers of inquiry along one course. They are then tested 
by experiment in order to verify their objective truth. But these presuppositions are just as racially determined as values derived from the 
will. A unique soul and race confronts the universe with questions of its own unique kind. The questions asked by a Nordic do not 
appear as problems for Jews or for Chinese. Things which appear as problems to Europeans, seem to other races to be riddles which 
have already been solved. 

At all democratic gatherings today one hears proclaimed the doctrine that art and science are international. The bereft of spirit, 
whose alienation from life and faceless values brought into disrepute the nineteenth century, can naturally not now be enlightened 
concerning the limitations of such cosmopolitanism. But a younger generation which is beginning to turn its back on this hothouse 
creation will discover, after an unbiased study of the variety of this world, that art for art' s sake does not exist, never has existed, and 
never will exist. Art is always the creation of a specific blood, and the form linked nature of an art will be only truly comprehensible to 
those of the same blood. To others it will say little or nothing at all. 

Science, however, is also a product of the blood. Everything which we commonly regard today as purely abstract science is the 
product of Germanic creativity. The Nordic European concept of organising sequential events into a framework of universal laws is not 
simply some idea in itself which might have occurred to any Mongol, Levantine or African. Quite the contrary; this idea (which 
appeared in another form in Nordic Hellas) was confronted for thousands of years by the most frenetic hostility of the many alien races 
and their world views. The idea of an inward and personal law was the deepest affront to every world picture constructed on the basis of 
the capricious tyranny of various systems of magic. A science of our kind could as little emerge from the world picture offered in the old 
testament as it could from the witchcraft and demonology of the African. It is this eternal antithesis which explains the struggle of the 
Roman church against Germanic science. And the latter has pursued its brilliant course through streams of its own blood, shed by Rome. 
Devout Nordic monks who dared to lay more value on the evidence of their own senses than on yellowed Syrian parchments, were met 
with poison, imprisonment and the knife, as in the cases of Roger Bacon or Scotus Erigena. This Germanic racial creation which we call 
science is not mere technology. It is the product of a unique method of posing questions to the universe. As Apollo faces Dionysos, so 
Copernicus, Kant and Goethe stand opposed to Augustinus, Bonifacius VIII and Pius IX. The Maenads and the phallic cults worked to 
the destruction of ancient Greek culture, and the Etruscan ideas of hell and wizardry blocked in every way they could the rebirth of a 
Nordic world vision. In the story of how Jesus drove the devils out of the swine, Syrian magic fastened itself onto Christianity even to 
the present day. Descent to hell and ascent to heaven, the fires and torments of the pit, became the wisdom thereafter of Christian 
theology. The SVCCVBI and INCVBI became firmly established doctrine. It was not surprising that only in 1827 did Rome finally 
remove from the INDEX those books which acknowledged Copernicus' s heliocentric theory. For, according to Roman truth, only its 
own doctrine is true science. It was forced to accept — with much gnashing of teeth — that after two thousand years and all the blood it 
had shed it could no longer enforce this particular doctrine of Ptolemaic astronomy, but it still continues to debauch the Nordic spirit of 
inquiry with concepts which are essentially magical in nature. The clearest example of this is the Jesuit order with its scientific 
departments. The Jesuit Cathrein has declared: When once a truth is firmly fixed by faith (Rome deciding the meaning of firmly fixed), 
then every contradictory assertion is false, and can therefore never be the product of true science. Doctor J. Donat, the modern 
theoretician of Jesuit science, says that any doubt concerning religious truths is inadmissible. Things go sadly with a science, he 

The Myth of the 20th Century 28 



proclaims, which has nothing to offer but endless searching after truth. The profound dichotomy in spiritual attitudes could not be more 
clearly evident than in these words of an Alpine man who is completely immersed in Levantine Syrian demonry. They signify nothing 
less than a demand for the total subordination of the Germanic European spirit of inquiry to an arbitrary dogma. 

The modern science of economics is yet another example of subverting the recognition of inner law by introducing arbitrary 
speculation. The European researcher, as soon as he tries to utilise a discovery in a practical way, nevertheless always aims at a genuine 
achievement which he wishes to see incorporated into the system of cause and effect, motive and result, as something produced and 
created. He sees work, inventions and possessions as socially formative forces within a racial, national or political community. Even 
Americans like Edison and Ford have endorsed this spiritual attitude. Even the stock market was originally intended only as a device to 
make smooth the transition from creation to consequence, and between invention, product and sale. It was an expedient just like money 
itself. Now, quite another function has developed from this originally useful service. The stock market and the science of finance 
presently play with fictions. They are a magical legerdemain with figures and a systematic distortion effected by certain circles in the 
transition from production to marketing. The masters of the modern stock market use mass hypnosis and doctored news to create panics. 
They deliberately inflame every pathological impulse so that from a healthy activity of exchange in economic life there have developed 
caprice and universal dissolution. This financial science is not even international; it is simply Jewish. Economic disruption among the 
Nordic peoples comes from their attempt to fit into their system of life this unnatural Levantine manipulation which is based on purely 
parasitic instincts. This process, if finally successful, will bring utter destruction to all the natural prerequisites of our life. The science of 
the Dawes's plan and the supervision exercised by the bankers and their controlled press over the reporting of political news, is 
thoroughly anti German. Thus it stands in deadly enmity against the Nordic economic system and its great German philosophers — men 
like Adam Miiller, Adolf Wagner, and Friedrich Lizt. In this, too, the nature of Jewish Marxism manifests itself. It fights capitalism but 
leaves untouched the heart of capitalism; stock market finance. 

The prerequisite of Romish science is compulsory belief in arbitrary church law; the prerequisite of Jewish science is fiction, or 
more precisely, humbug; the prerequisite of Germanic science is the recognition of universal laws and the human soul which manifest 
themselves in various effects. Such perceptions are fundamental to the understanding of the totality of life, and even to those phenomena 
such as clairvoyance and somnambulism which, as yet, cannot be wholly integrated into this scheme. 

And this means everything. When today we speak of realisations and acknowledgements, we always start from certain prerequisite 
assumptions. We examine the various highest values which contend for the souls of all Europeans. We establish the existing 
architectonics of the forces relating to these highest values and then we accept one of these systems as a belief. A general 
acknowledgement and acceptance of such a belief can only come from similar and related, but hitherto blinded, souls. Others will, and 
must, reject it. If they cannot suppress it, then they must dispute it in every possible way. 

Such a liberation and release of both the individual and the whole people from the still powerful influences of a dying past is 
painful, and must cause many deep wounds. But we have only one choice; to go under or to take up the fight for a recovery. To begin 
this fight with clear understanding and an iron will is the task of our generation. Its final consummation is the concern of the future. 

To primitive man, the world appears as a succession without causality of images in space and sensations in time. Subsequently, the 
mind creates causal connections, and reason establishes unity in diversity by laying down intellectual parameters. The network of these 
activities we call our experience. Such is the formal basis for all life. However, the latter is employed in basically different ways. An 
overpreponderance of reason in the formulation of ideas will lead to the various unities being restricted to fewer and fewer 
comprehensive schemes. The ultimate end of this is a single principle of explanation of the world. This formal monism expresses itself 
in different ways according to whether one wishes to interpret the world in terms of matter or in terms offeree. The logical mechanist 
accepts molecules, atoms and electrons as primal substances whose diversity of forms and manifold combinations create spirit and soul. 
The logical energeticist recognises in matter only a concentrated form of latent energy which can discharge itself as electricity, light or 
heat. Both the materialist and the spiritualist monists are dogmatists because they put aside the last seemingly formal, as well as the 
seemingly material, primal phenomenon of the world with a single assertion which decides all questions. This is either a philosophic 
scientific principle or a religious belief. This primal phenomenon, after rejecting multiple pluralism, is the polarity of all phenomena and 
of all ideation. Polarity shows itself in light and shadow, hot and cold, finite and infinite. Spiritually, it shows itself as true and untrue; 
morally as good and evil (a dichotomy which can only be disputed in relation to concrete examples); dynamically as motion and rest; as 
positive and negative; in religion as divine and satanic. Polarity always manifests itself in the simultaneity of opposites, not as 
chronologically alternating with one another. The concept of good is incomprehensible without that of evil, and only receives its 
delimitation by it. Negative electricity always appears simultaneously with positive. Both forms are, in fact, positive — only with their 
signs reversed. No postulates Yes. The idea of the spiritual appears together with the idea of the corporeal. Nor are they to be interpreted 
as merely alternating with one another chronologically. 

All life, however, arises from the continuous antithesis of Yes and No. Everything creative — even the dogmatic monist, whether 
materialistic or spiritualistic — exists only by reason of the persistence of eternal conflict. Only in the mirror of the body does the 
spiritualist perceive the spirit; only with the presupposition of differing qualities can the materialist deal with variations in form and 
changes in substance. 

Self and universe, therefore, confront one another as two ultimate polarities, and the emphasis which the soul lays upon one or the 
other (subconsciously recognising their antithesis) determines the nature, complexion and rhythm of its interpretation of the world and of 
life. From this primal metaphysical law of being and becoming (polarities which are experientially mutually exclusive at any given 
instant) there ensue two kinds of life feeling — the dynamic and the static creation of values. 

A predominantly static worldview will tend to some kind of monism. It will endeavour to establish a single spiritual synthesis, a 
single symbol, indeed, a single form of life against every polarity, plurality or multiplicity. In religion, it will insist on a strict 
monotheism. It will invest this unique god with all features of strength and significance, attributing to him all creation. It will even 
endeavour to explain away the satanic. Jehovah evolved into this kind of god and then, with the aid of the Christian church, broke into 

The Myth of the 20th Century 29 



western thought as a rigid and narrow system. 

Originally, the Hebrews and Jews had been involved in an entirely pluralistic theology. To be sure, their tribal god looked after their 
interests and they after his, but none doubted that other gods of other peoples were just as real and effective as Jehovah. It was under the 
Persian empire that the Jews first learned of a universal, cosmic god, Ahura Mazda (the god of light) and of his enemy, dark Ahriman. 
They were later taken over as a universal despot — Jehovah — and his rival, Satan. The Jew gradually rid himself of all pluralisms, 
placing Shaddai Jehovah at the centre of all things, with himself as his authorised servant. Thus he created a focal point for himself, and 
this has preserved and bred his thinking, his race and his type — even if purely parasitic — up to the present day and despite any marginal 
racial mixing. Even when recreant Jews abjured Jehovah, they only put in his place what was essentially the same concept under other 
names. This they called humanism, liberty, liberalism, class. From these there reemerged the same old rigid Jehovah, breeding his 
offspring under a variety of designations. Since Jehovah is conceived as being materially effective, the rigid Jewish insistence upon one 
single god is interwoven with practical material concerns — that is, materialism — and the most sterile philosophical superstition, for 
which the old testament, the Talmud and Karl Marx represent closely related visions. This static self assertion is the metaphysical 
ground for the strength and tenacity of the Jew, as well as for his cultural sterility and parasitism. 

The same static instinct is the central core of the Roman church. It sets up a synthesis, with itself as the successor of the displaced 
god's chosen people, and develops the same rigidity and formalism as Judaism, and as the later, also Semitic, Mohammedanism. Such 
systems recognise only the law, which is to say, arbitrary fiats. They never acknowledge personality. When such a system gains power, 
it necessarily destroys the organic. It is only thanks to the fact that the system could not attain complete triumph that there still exist 
peoples and cultures — in short, real life. 

The reaction in Europe against the crippling weight of the church was powerful enough to force a lasting spiritual pluralism into the 
Jewish Roman theology. Thus one can quite justifiably speak of Catholicism and its saints as a polytheistic belief. By Catholicism we 
mean, of course, the religious phenomenon, not the political entity. But in spite of this development, the centralised authority of the 
churches strengthened a static and monistic outlook in Europe and, by way of the attached new testament, smuggled the spirit of the old 
testament into a protestantism which was originally individualistic. 

From the outset, protestantism was spiritually divided. Seen as a defensive reaction, it signified the upsurge of the Germanic will to 
freedom, to a national life, and to the primacy of the individual conscience. Without question, it blazed a path for all that today we 
regard as our greatest works of culture and science. Religiously, however, it failed. It stopped half way. It substituted for Rome a Semitic 
Jerusalem as its centre. The sovereign authority managed to block the emergence of that spirit which had been preached by Meister 
Eckehart, but which could not prevail against the inquisition and the stake. So it was that, when Luther at Worms laid his hand 
simultaneously on both the Old and the new testaments, he performed an act which his followers deemed symbolic and holy. The faith 
and the values of protestants were now to be determined by these books. The standards of our spiritual life again lay outside what is 
German, even though no longer in a strictly geographical sense as had been the case with Rome and the antichrist. Luther's encounter 
with Zwingli showed how much he was still bound by the old chains. Luther's materially oriented communion doctrine has been a 
millstone around the protestant creed up to the present day. Much later, Luther did cast aside the Jews and their lies, and declare that he 
no longer had anything to do with Moses. But by then the bible had become a popular work, and the prophecies of the old testament 
integral to religion. As a result, the Judaisation and torpidity of our life were pushed a step further, and it is no wonder that thenceforth 
blond German children were forced every Sunday to sing: To you, to you, O Jehovah, will I sing; for where is such a god as you? 

The Jews had borrowed (as with so much else) the idea of a universal god from the Persians. In this lies the most telling evidence 
for the religious philosophical recognition of the polarity of being. The great cosmic struggle between light and darkness endures 
throughout many world epochs until, after the climactic battle, there comes the world saviour, the Caoshiahc, to separate the sheep from 
the goats. This represents the same figure as did Jesus in later times. The drama must naturally reach its climax with victory, but 
nowhere is the spiritual dynamic portrayed more consciously and more splendidly than in the ancient Persian writings. Today, as we 
begin to slough off the alien and static influence of all that smacks of Jerusalem, the Persian drama appears to us as primordial and 
closely related to the sagas of the Nordic peoples. The metaphysical conception is conjoined with a stern moral code and thus fortifies 
the spiritual community in religion and morality. 

When he first appears on the stage of history, the German is not of a philosophical bent. But if anything is characteristic of his 
nature, then it is an aversion to all kinds of monism, and a distaste for the kind of ecclesiastical rigidity which was forced upon him by 
Rome's technical and diplomatic superiority at a time of weakness. It was a time when the pristine youth of the German race was 
ending, and the old gods were dying while new ones were being sought. 

If the struggle between Europe and Rome ended in a compromise which, for all the upheavals, has endured for over 1500 years, 
nonetheless this compromise has proved impossible in the realms of art, philosophy and science. It is precisely in these areas that the 
struggle has been most consciously and tenaciously pursued, and it has ended with the defeat of the menace of the INDEX and the terror 
of the stake. This is true even if the fact has not yet permeated the sluggish minds of the masses or, indeed, those of the superficially 
educated. In this the entire dynamic of the European spirit stands revealed, together with its clear, analytical grasp of the polarity of 
being. Yet, at the same time, it shows that a battle for form has stirred the north European less than the inward character value of 
truthfulness as the prerequisite for science and philosophy. 

Consciously or unconsciously, the Nordic spirit distinguishes between two worlds — the world of freedom and the world of nature. 
With Immanuel Kant, this ancient determinant of our vital thought was brought to the fullest level of conscious apprehension, and can 
never thereafter be lost to our understanding. But this awakening involved a quite unique view of reality. The late Indian dissolved the 
entire universe into symbolism. The self became ultimately only an indication of an eternal oneness. For the Indian metaphysician, 
reality was not a describable fact which could be fitted into the chain of cause and effect or action and consequence, as is the way with 
our thinking. For him it was a purely subjective postulation in relation to an event or a narrative. Thus the Indian does not demand belief 
in the fabulous deeds of Rama or Krishna as actual events. For him they become real insofar as they are believed. On the basis of this 

The Myth of the 20th Century 30 



interpretation of reality, girls transform themselves into flowers in the Indian theatre, their arms change into liana vines. Gods appear in 
a variety of quasihuman shapes. Since it is dependent on belief as symbolism, the miracle is divested of its material significance. 

It is otherwise for the peoples of the eastern Mediterranean. There, freedom was injected into nature through magic, and the history 
of those lands is packed with real miracles which are believed to be literal events. A clear example of the consciousness that he was 
ruling two different worlds is given to us by the Emperor Hadrianus. In the Germanic northwest of the empire, he was an heroic servant 
of the state, enduring all the rigours of travel as a simple soldier. He was lord and ruler, but not god and miracle worker. But it was 
precisely as the latter that this clever judge of men allowed himself to be portrayed during his travels through the African, Levantine and 
Hellenistic regions. Thus he was worshipped in the south and southeast of the empire as a saviour, and was accepted as the director of 
the Eleusian mysteries. He blandly permitted himself to be worshipped as Helios. In Egypt, he introduced Antigonos as a god, whose 
death and resurrection was taught by the priests, and as truly believed at the time as the death and real resurrection of Jesus. Hadrianus 
healed the sick and made cripples whole by the laying on of hands. Stories about his miraculous deeds spread through all the lands of the 
eastern Mediterranean as an indisputable chronicle. In a similar way, the Christian legends are also derived from the superstitions about 
magic which are characteristic of certain peoples. They are still today solemnly proclaimed to Europeans. There is the doctrine of the 
virgin birth, the various transfigurations of the catholic saints to whom the virgin Mary appeared, or the report by the Jesuit Mansonius 
that Jesus appeared in the flesh to the virgin Joanna of Alexandria on June 7, 1598, and expressed his gratification with the work of his 
Society. 

Evidence of just how greatly this magical world of Asia Africa had oppressed Europe and threatened to suffocate all thought, even 
of the freest, is shown in Luther's verdict upon Copernicus whom he called a swindler and a cheat just because the magical bible said 
that things were otherwise than as Copernicus taught. Even today, millions have not yet fully grasped that Copernicus, by replacing the 
static world picture of the motionless earth disc, and heaven above and hell below with the dynamism of an eternally revolving solar 
system, put paid once and for all to the church doctrine of blind belief as well as the entire mythology of hell and resurrection. The 
Nicene creed, which was decided by a majority of the quarrelling priests at the command of the Roman emperor, the dogmas which 
were formulated at synods where religious questions were settled with vicious brawling and with cudgels, are inwardly false and dead. 
Nothing reveals more clearly the futility and falseness of our churches than that they prate of things which have nothing to do with 
religion, and that they still defend doctrines in which they no longer believe. They are entirely correct when they argue that if the old 
testament or the Nicene creed were pried out of the structure of the church, the corner stones would be lacking and the whole building 
would collapse. True enough! But the collapse has never been prevented for more than a few decades by a threadbare presence of 
expediency. And the later the collapse came, the more terrible it would be. Gods who are no longer believed in become mere idols. 
When life becomes a matter of empty forms, spiritual death or revolution is imminent. There are no alternatives. 

I am come not to bring peace but a sword, said the rebel from Nazareth, and I will light a fire on the earth, and I wish that it burned 
already. His life was one revelation, but the priests, concerned with preserving their authority, announced that this revelation happened 
only once in history, and supported this claim with ingeniously fulfilled prophecies and allusions to the future, and made strenuous 
efforts to turn life into death. 

It is of the nature of the static ideal that it demands rest. But this denial of all the dynamic demands of life cannot be realised in the 
face of the eternal flux of nature. It turns therefore to the non temporal concepts. These are revelations which are proclaimed as long as 
possible as that which is, as eternal truth. He who is aware of the dynamic, on the other hand, while consciously or unconsciously 
acknowledging being, concerns himself with becoming as the expression of being, and he does not consider magical or spurious 
revelations as essential to his spiritual experience. This permanent condition of becoming as a struggle for being is the Germanic religion 
which still asserts itself even in the midst of mysticism most rejective of the world. Revelation to the Nordic can only be a heightening 
and crowning of the process of becoming, not a destruction of natural law. But the Jewish concept of god, alike with the Romanist, wills 
the latter. The severest blow is given to that outlook by Germanic science and Nordic art. The Jehovah of the church is as moribund as 
Wotan was 1500 years ago. The Nordic spirit gained philosophical consciousness in Immanuel Kant, whose fundamental achievement 
lies in the separation he established between forces of religion and science. Religion is concerned with the kingdom of heaven within us, 
true science only with physics, chemistry, biology and mechanics. This distinction is critical as a precondition for a Nordic culture true 
to its own intrinsic nature. It signifies the overthrow of the Syrian Jewishly inspired dogmas and the freeing of our dynamic polarity as 
free mysticism and natural mechanics. This alone assures true unity. The historical task of the movement of national renewal which now 
arises in Germany is to strengthen the foundations of our culture, despite their subsequent perversion by Roman Jewish doctrines and 
Syrian African world views, and to assist in the victory of Nordic values. 

All these racial psychological and perceptively critical considerations and historical references display a great multiplicity of the 
forces of racial soul or racial chaos struggling with each other for predominance. But they show also a certain consistency in the conduct 
of the Nordic or mainly Nordically conditioned elements. All the gods of the Indoeuropeans are gods of the heavens, of light and of day. 
The Indian Varuna, the Greek Uranus, Zeus, father of the gods, and Odin, god of the heavens, Surya (the radiant one) of the Indians, 
Apollo Helios and Ahura Mazda — they all share the same essence at the same characteristic stage of development. In this religion of 
light, the patriarchal principle confronted the various chthonically matriarchal oriented racial elements. 

At another level, mythology is permeated with the heroic and linked with the inquiring spirit and the yearning for knowledge. In this 
way the gods became the representatives of various impulses of will and spirit. The sun god of the ancient Indians was prayed to in the 
early morning not only for fertility but also for wisdom, while Odin sacrificed one of his eyes in the quest of knowledge. At the high 
point of philosophical problem solving, we find the Upanishads, Platon and Kant who, in spite of profound differences of approach, 
arrive at identical answers concerning the ideality of space, time and causality. 

It was thus perceived that diversity did not mean chaos, nor a perceived unity mean merely an amorphous sameness. This was 
extremely important because it places us not only in the sharpest opposition to all absolutist and universalist systems (which on the 
supposition of an ostensible humanity seek to establish a unitarianism of all souls for all time) but also brings us into conflict with 

The Myth of the 20th Century 3 1 



genuinely new forces of our own time which have likewise buried their dead, and with whom we often have sympathetic contact. Yet 
such forces, in justifiable defence against a vile, sterile and suffocating rationalism, now seek refuge in a return to the primal depths, and 
declare war on the spirit as such in order to find their way back to a unity of body and soul which lumps together under spirit all reason, 
intellect and will. 

One is immediately reminded of the sentimental return to nature and the glorification of the primitive which appeared in the late 
eighteenth century. But this view is far too moderate and reasonable when confronted with the assertions of people such as Ludwig 
Klages or Melchior Palagyi. What depth psychology and character study is striving for lies much deeper. Its demands, in fact, call for a 
basis in a racial soul in order to provide an organic substructure for the whole concept. 

The emergence of a sharply defined consciousness must be seen to have constituted the first alienation of the heroic primitive man 
from his creative, natural state with its feeling of awe and reverence. This natural state is represented as alone being true life, and as 
having been corrupted by purely rational ideas and concepts. At once we see how closely yet how totally our racial spiritual world view 
and the new psychocosmogony confront one another. This intellect is, as it is propounded, only a formal tool, and is thus devoid of 
content. Its task is simply to establish the sequence of causality. However, once it is enthroned as a legislating sovereign, it signifies the 
end of a culture, and as a proof — overlooked by the vitalists — of racial poisoning. Up to this point there is much agreement. However, it 
is quite unnecessary that reason and purpose be inimical to spirit. We have seen how, in contrast to peoples of the Semitic type, the 
attitudes of soul, will and reason of the Nordics toward the universe were essentially in harmony. We are not, therefore, concerned with 
the abstraction of primitive man, to whom one might justifiably assign a confidence in worldly existence, but with a clearly defined 
racial character. The curious fact emerges that the most embittered enemies of modern antilife rationalism have themselves created an 
unconsciously creative and heroic primitive man. But the nature of primitive man — as far as we can reasonably conjecture — was not 
particularly heroic. Jewish legends begin with stories about cattle raising, not of heroic deeds. The biblical account of the exodus of the 
Jews from Egypt is accompanied by the tale of all the treasures which they had stolen from the Egyptians. Even among themselves, their 
swindling and parasitic behaviour in the promised land is the antithesis of the heroic. Genuine heroism is also lacking among the 
Phoenicians in spite of their lengthy voyages conducted along the sea coasts. And the pure Semite — the Arab for example — though he is 
capable of courage and ferocity, is almost wholly uncreative. The Etruscans, to be sure, have left a record of obscene practices and 
monuments, but nothing which would permit us to assume any creative spiritual faculties. 

On the other hand, heroism is basic to the character of the Nordic peoples. This heroism of the ancient mythic period — and this is 
what is decisive — has never been lost, despite reverses of fortune, so long as the Nordic blood was still alive. Heroism, in fact, took 
many forms, from the warrior nobility of Siegfried or Hercules to the intellectual nobility of Copernicus and Leonardo, the religious 
nobility of Eckehart and Lagarde, or the political nobility of Frederick the Great and Bismarck, and its substance has remained the same. 

The universal character which has been postulated as existing in antiquity is a fallacious modern abstraction. Even after the 
conclusion of the age of natural instinct, the reason and the will are not divorced from the living blood unless they are strangled in the 
spiritual jungle of the near east. Things are not as the new body soul doctrine seeks to represent; namely, that only the earthbound man 
of instinct is close to nature, more of an integrated being and more vital, while what is spiritual belongs to another sphere. Again, it is 
not true that the chthonic idea, which (stimulated by the intoxicated poetic imaginings of Bachofen) inspires this new doctrine, testifies 
to a greater profundity of life and certainty of existence. The peoples who began with the sun and light myth and developed it further are 
consequently linked to the visible creator and protector of everything organic. Only from the sun impregnated soil arise Aphrodite and 
Demeter, Isis and Astarte. 

The sun myth of the Aryan is not only transcendental but also a universal law of nature and biology. To reject it on behalf of 
universality of instinct, and even with yearning glances toward the near east, is a regression into spiritual and racial chaos, very similar 
to the unwholesome conditions of late Rome. Much as our modern characterology and doctrine of body soul unity may differ from the 
naive naturalism of a Rousseau or Tolstoy, two things are common to both schools — a cultural pessimism, and a touching belief in a 
world certainty and of man still unspoiled by intellection. The refined lifestyle and the athletics of spiritual equilibrium of the great 
encyclopaedists of the enlightenment created a spiritual aridity, and called forth an inward and then an outward resistance to all previous 
religious and social principles. Die Rauber, Faust, Gretchen, are all manifestations of the Storm and stress against restrictions and bonds 
under the banner of what was new, personal and individualistic. This abandonment by the self of its natural, primal roots led either to 
catastrophe — from Werther's Idyll to Werther's Sorrows — or to a recognition of the ambiguities of a nature conceived of as so natural. 
In place of cultural pessimism there arose scepticism about a blissful return to nature. And this ultimate phase will not be spared the 
neovitalists who declare war on the entire present day culture (as well as the culture of tomorrow) in the name of a purely abstract (this 
is important to note) nature mystique. This movement will only prove fruitful when, from the monolithic concept of universal nature, it 
releases the organic forms and the races, and recognises their individual life rhythms, studies the conditions which have stimulated 
creativity, and the conditions under which decay or diminution of the driving spiritual impetus begins. Then the new, naturalistic 
romanticism will be compelled to take leave of abstract universalism as a reaction to unbridled rationalistic individualism, and also to 
renounce its basic hostility to the will and the reason. 

A deep gulf yawns open between this vegetative vitalism and the essence of consciousness, but the resulting tension is the 
prerequisite of all creativity. That such a gulf exists is a result of the fact that our whole vegetative animal existence is lived as a 
continuous stream, while our conscious perception is intermittent. It is due to these discrete perceptions and to the establishment of 
categories of time and patterns of events that language, art and science are made possible. On the other hand, herein lies the deepest 
justification for Kant's argument that idea and experience never completely coincide, that is to say, a culture constructed only upon 
conscious thought can never be entirely vital. These two realms are thus fundamental to our dual nature. Accordingly, the triumphs of 
individual genius in all areas are an artistic amalgam of freedom and nature; and the accomplishments of entire peoples represent the 
half agonised, half rapturous, symbols of the conquest of the unconquerable. National cultures are the great spiritual pulses in the eternal 
ebb and flow of dying and becoming. Since Nordic man arises from this evolving life and from the light of day, he is by nature a vitalist. 

The Myth of the 20th Century 32 



But the greatest achievement of his whole history was the Germanic recognition that nature was not to be mastered by magic (as the near 
east had believed), or by intellectual schemes (as the later Greeks thought), but only by the most conscientious study of nature. In this 
respect, the devout Albertus Magnus (Albrecht von Bollstedt) approaches Goethe, and the visionary Francis of Assisi comes close to the 
religious sceptic Leonardo. The Germanic west has not allowed itself to be robbed of this kind of vitalism by the church of Rome in 
spite of excommunication, poison and the stake. And this vitalism was both cosmic and, at the same time, conversely. Because 
Germanic man felt in a cosmic solar way, it enabled him to discover the rule of natural law upon the earth. Perhaps it was precisely this 
very profound feeling which enabled him to shape the patterns of science and to evolve symbolic ideas which alone afforded him the 
tools, despite the intermittence of continually formative consciousness, to approach so closely to the eternal flux. 

That one school today idolises these symbols and patterns signifies an identical condition of decadence, as does the idolisation of 
vitalism in itself. Germanic science did not arise amid the martyrdom of nine million heretics as if the greatest allegory of inward 
freedom is either to be condemned along with its essential components and methods, or to be idolatrously worshipped. Those who today 
rage against technology and heap maledictions upon it forget that its appearance derives from an eternal German impulse which would 
have to be destroyed along with it. Truly, this would mean a descent into the same barbarism which was the ultimate fate of the 
Mediterranean cultures. It is not technology which today destroys vitality. It is man himself who has degenerated. He has become 
inwardly deformed because, at weak moments in his historical experience, alien seductions were dangled before him — world 
conversion, humanity, universal culture. Today, it is necessary to break the hypnotic spell, and not deepen the sleep of our generation, 
nor to preach the irreversibility of fate, but to assert those values of the blood which, once understood, can give a new direction to the 
younger generation and make possible a Renaissance of culture and breeding. From a clear understanding of the nature of the past 
struggles of the organically determined Indoeuropean peoples against alien forces, and after comprehending the development of our own 
natural life and our characteristic attitudes to the universe, we feel and understand the longing of our generation to reject the transitory 
present day, and recognise an eternal now. Thus we can bring reason and will into harmony with our Germanic current of soul and spirit; 
indeed, if possible, with that true Nordic tradition handed down to us from Hellas and ancient Rome. Philosophically, this means to give 
the aberrant modern will a noble motivation in accordance with its primal nature. 

In heroic conduct, whether of warriors, philosophers or scientists, we see what is of essential nature, and we know that all heroism 
groups itself around a supreme value. This has always been the idea of honour, spiritual and mental. But the idea of honour, like its 
corporeal representatives, was and is involved in a war of soul and spirit against the values represented by alien races or the 
miscegenated offspring of racial chaos. 

Chapter II. Love and Honour 

Many wars during the last 1900 years have borne the stamp of wars of religion. In most cases justifiably, yet not always so. The 
very fact that struggles of extermination could be carried out at all for a religious conviction shows to what degree the Teutonic peoples 
had been successfully alienated from their original character. Respect for religious belief was just as natural to the pagan Teutons as to 
the later Aryans; only the assertion of the claim by the Roman church that it alone offered salvation hardened the European heart and 
necessarily called forth defensive struggles in the opposing camp which, since likewise conducted for an alien natured form, resulted in 
spiritual narrow mindedness (Lutheranism, Calvinism, Puritanism). 

But in spite of everything, most of the struggles by leading heroes of our history were conducted less for theological principles of 
belief about Jesus, Mary, the nature of the holy ghost, purgatory and so on, than for character values. The churches of all denominations 
declared: as the faith, so the man. This was necessary for every church, and promised success, since in this way the value of a man was 
made dependent on its coercive principles, and men were thus spiritually enchained to the chosen church organisation. On the other hand 
the Nordic European creed — whether consciously or unconsciously — has always been: as the man, so his belief. More exactly put, as the 
nature or content of his belief. If the belief protected the highest values of character, then it was real and good, irrespective of what 
expressions of human longing might otherwise have surrounded it. If it did not do so, if it repressed proud personal values, then it must 
have been felt in the deepest innermost heart of every Teuton as bringing destruction. There are two values above all others, in which for 
nearly two thousand years the whole opposition between church and race, theology and belief, coercive doctrine and pride of character, 
are revealed; two values rooted in will, for which in Europe there has always been a struggle for predominance: love and honour. Both 
accordingly strove for recognition as highest values; the churches wished — however strange this may sound — to rule through love, the 
Nordic Europeans wished to live free through honour or to die free in honour. Both ideas found martyrs ready for sacrifice, but this 
conflict did not always attain the clearest consciousness, however often it revealed itself. 

This recognition has persisted into our own days. It is a mythic experience, but nevertheless as clear as daylight. Love and 
sympathy, honour and duty are spiritual essences which, enveloped by different outward forms, represent driving forces of life for 
almost all races and nations capable of culture. Depending upon what room was made for love in its most general version or the concept 
of honour as such, the world outlook and form of the people in question developed in a manner corresponding to this desired goal. One 
or the other idea formed the yardstick by which the whole of thought and action were measured. But in order to create a determinative 
characteristic for an epoch, one or other ideal must predominate. The conflict between two ideas can nowhere be followed more 
tragically than in the disputes between the Nordic race and its allies with the particular racial and ideological environment. 

With regard to what motive has above all proven itself as formative for the Nordic race in affairs of soul, state and culture, it is 
evident that almost everything which has preserved the character of our race, our peoples and nations, has been in the first place the 
concept of honour and the idea of duty inseparably connected with it, originating from the consciousness of inward freedom. But from 
the moment at which love and sympathy (or if one wishes: fellow feeling) became predominant, there also began the epochs of racial 
national and cultural dissolution in the history of all once Nordically determined states. 

Today, Hinduism and Buddhism are preached to the point of superfluity. The majority of us possess no other idea of India than as it 

The Myth of the 20th Century 33 



is presented to us by theosophists and anthroposophists. We speak of India as having a soft hearted philosophy of life merging with the 
universe, with human love as its highest teaching. Undoubtedly, the late philosophy flowing into infinity, the Vedanta Atman Brahman 
doctrine, Buddhism striving for redemption from the sufferings of this world, along with thousands of proverbs scattered throughout the 
whole of Indian literature, justify this interpretation: Nothing exists which cannot be accomplished by gentleness. Happy are those who 
withdraw into the forest after they have fulfilled the hope of the needy, have shown love for their enemies, and so on. And yet into these 
love and sympathy filled products of the late Indian period, quite different, older views intrude, which do not recognise personal feelings 
of happiness and absence of sorrow as the only goal worth striving for, but see the latter in the fulfilment of duty and the assertion of 
honour. In one of the oldest Indian poems, duty is even praised as a sixth inner sense. In the Mahabaratam the entire struggle revolves 
(in its original form) around this idea. Fima the hero, who only unwillingly participates in war, says he would abandon his ruler, 

If my lord did not bind me with the bond of duty of a Chatya, so that I may even strike down without mercy my dear grandsons with 
its darts. 

Kama the Strong says: 

Honour, like a mother, provides 

Men with life in the world, 

Dishonour consumes life, 

Even if the body's well being prospers. 

King Durjozana's downfall is brought about in spite of all the laws of war, and he laments: 

Are you not ashamed, that Fimasen 

Has dishonourably defeated me? 

We have fought honourably enough, 

And honour remains to us in defeat. 

You have always fought dishonourably 

And bear your victory with disgrace. 

But I have ruled the earth 

As far as the sea' s distant shore, 

Have stood courageously before the foe 

And die now, as a hero 

Wishes to die, in service of duty, 

And rise up to the gods accompanied by 

A host of friends 

These are certainly completely different tones to the ones we generally find in the more familiar poems. But these, and a hundred 
other passages from Indian literature, prove that the ancient Indian — and it was he who created India — did not abandon his life for love, 
but for the sake of duty and honour. A faithless man was also condemned in Aryan India, not because he was loveless but because he 
had become to be without honour. 

Better to give up life, than to lose honour: the giving of life one feels only for a moment, but the loss of honour day by day says a 
folkish proverb. It seems to the heart of a hero as if a purpose is attained by heroic behaviour, to a coward as if this can be attained by 
cowardice 

affirms another proverb, and sets up a value. A keen eye will discern these features of ancient Indian nature which can be found 
until the time of the brave king Poros who, defeated by Alexander in honourable battle on the field, nevertheless remains a complete 
knight. Although wounded, he still did not flee the field when others ran away. How shall I deal with you? asked Alexander of his 
defeated foe. In a kingly way, was the answer. Nothing more? asked the Macedonian. In the word kingly lies everything, ran Poros' s 
answer. So Alexander enlarged the extent of Poros's rule, who from then on was a true friend to him. Whether this tale be historically 
true is irrelevant. But it shows the inward standard of honour, loyalty, duty and bravery, which was common to both heroes and clear, 
indeed self evident, to the historian also. 

The ancient Indian kingdom kept to this manly concept of honour, and made it the prerequisite of its social structure. But when this 
concept of honour was replaced by ritual religious philosophical systems denying all earthly limitations, coupled with racial 
decomposition, religious and dogmatic, then economic, viewpoints appeared authoritative. With the philosophy of Atman Brahman 
transferred to earthly life — as elaborated earlier — the Aryan denied his race, hence his personality, but as a result also the idea of honour 
as forming the spiritual backbone of his life. 

Love and sympathy — even when they claim to comprise the entire world — nevertheless always direct themselves at the individual 
loving or suffering creature. But the wish to liberate others or oneself from suffering is a purely personal feeling which contains no 
element really strongly formative of race or state. The love of what is nearest or what is farthest can produce deeds of supreme self 
sacrifice, but this is nevertheless a spiritual power related to the individual, and no man has ever in seriousness demanded the sacrifice of 
an entire state, of an entire people, for the sake of a love unrelated to the latter. And nowhere has an army yet sacrificed itself for this. 

Athenian life appears to us as fundamentally milder than the ancient Indian. Admittedly in Greece an heroic epic also speaks of 
heroic deeds; but these have more of an aesthetic foundation. However, the three hundred Spartans of Thermopyle are regarded by us as 
a parable for honour and fulfilment of duty. Nothing gives better proof of the influence of the latter than our attempts at a restoration of 
Greek life. We were unable to conceive things otherwise than that all Hellenes were impelled by honour and duty; only very recently 
have we been able to convince ourselves of the weakness of Greek life in this respect. The Greek, with his gift for fantasy, in fact did not 
lay great value upon his word in normal life; he scarcely recognised the sober legal value of an assertion. Here we discover the most 
vulnerable part of the Greek character, the trapdoor, so to speak, by which the deceitful hither Asiatic trader entered, so that lies and 
falsehood later formed the constant background of Greek life, which occasioned Lysander to the words that one cheats children with 

The Myth of the 20th Century 34 



dice, men with oaths. But in spite of this the real Greek was pervaded by a feeling of freedom which one must describe as rooted 
throughout in consciousness of honour. The killing of wives and the suicide of men defeated in a battle is no rare occurrence. Do not 
give yourself into slavery, as long as it still remains open to you to die freely, teaches Euripides. The remembrance of the deed by the 
Phocians who before the battle surrounded those of their people left behind with a wooden wall, with the advice to set fire to this in case 
of defeat, remains heroic evidence of strong symbolic power. The descendants of Zakynthos preferred to die in the flames rather than to 
fall into the hands of the Punics. In even later times (B.C. 200) evidence of mythic heroism is provided, for example, in the case of 
Abydos which, besieged by Philippus the Younger, does not surrender, but whose men stab their wives and children, throw themselves 
from the walls, and destroy the city through fire. The same valuing of life, of freedom and honour, also passes through ancient 
womanhood, whenever it was necessary to protect the latter from violation. Thus Eurydice, influenced by her mother, hanged herself; 
with the overpowering of the ruler of Elis in the 3rd century, the latter' s wife hanged herself with her two daughters. 

Nevertheless, it must be admitted that the static nature of Greek life was conditioned not by character but by beauty which, as 
mentioned, had political irresponsibility as a fatal consequence. 

Through Alexander, a more disciplined idea of late Greek life, primarily aesthetic, once again predominated, and which was also 
conscious of racial differences. Alexander did not unconditionally pursue the aim of a world monarchy and the mixing of peoples, but 
wished only to unite the Persians and Greeks, recognised as racial kindred, and to bring them under one rule, so as to avoid further wars. 
He recognised the driving ideas and character values of the Persian upper stratum as being related to his own Macedonian idea of duty; 
for this reason he therefore only placed Macedonians or Persians in leading posts, whereas Semites, Babylonians and Syrians were 
deliberately excluded. After Alexander's death his successors made efforts to emulate his type of state in their lands and provinces. Like 
a hero from primeval times stands out one eyed Antigonos who, at the age of eighty, falls in combat on the battlefield against the lawful 
heirs when he was unable to gain his aim of a united kingdom. The Nordic Macedonian cultural offshoots, however, were not permanent 
enough. Admittedly, they provided Greek science, art and philosophy, but they did not possess the power to act as typeforming, to set 
through their idea of honour. The subjugated alien blood triumphed, the time of clever but characterless Hellenism began. 

If the concept of honour has anywhere formed the centre of all existence, then it is in the Nordic, Germanic west. With a self 
reliance unique in history the Viking appears. The unbounded feeling of freedom pushes one Nordic wave after the other out into the 
unknown, as the population increases. With a squandering of blood and heroic unconcern, the Viking sets up his states in Russia, in 
Sicily, England and France. 

Here primal racial impulses dominated without restraint and discipline, unhampered by reflection of purpose or an exactly 
determined system of law. The sole emphasis which the Northman carried with him was the concept of personal honour. Honour and 
freedom drove individuals into the distance in the search for independence, into lands where there was space for masters, or the same 
urge caused them to fight to the last man on their farms and castles. A happy contentedness with earthly existence, remote from all 
trading interest, was the basic feature of Nordic man when he appeared in the west as a force, forming history, in spite of all youthful 
impetuosity. Close followers grouped around individual personalities which then gradually led by necessity to the establishment of laws 
of social life, and finally after migration a sedentary kind of rural life ensued, (which in the south naturally fell to pieces, and perished in 
late oriental glittering decay). 

Seldom is a second example offered to the observer of history, during which the conduct of a people could be determined so purely 
and completely by a sole highest value: all power, all property, every bond, every action, is directed to the service of honour, for which 
life is even offered as a sacrifice if necessary without reflection and without a flicker of the eyelashes. As the law of honour rules life, so 
it is reflected in poetry and passes as a fundamental principle through the world of sagas: one encounters there no other word so 
frequently as that of honour. Therefore the Nordic world of heroes with its wild discord, its bubbling over subjectivism, is nevertheless 
so uniform in its nature and direction of destiny. 

— Krieck: Menschenformung, page 154. 

It is pleasant to find in advance these recognitions among circles of German scholars who hitherto had been caught up in graceful 
aestheticism. Here the nerve of destiny in our entire history is touched; our European and German future is decided from the nature of 
the valuation of the idea of honour. Even if ancient Nordic man acts violently, then the centre, conscious of honour, of his being creates 
a pure atmosphere even in battle and death. War could be conducted brutally, but to admit to his deed was regarded as the first 
requirement of the Nordic man (Krieck). This feeling of responsibility demanded of each individual personality was the most effective 
defence against the moral swamp, against that hypocritical decomposition of values which in the course of European history has come 
over us as an alien temptation in the different forms of humanity. Sometimes it called itself democracy, sometimes social sympathy, 
sometimes humility and love. The personal honour of the Northlander demanded courage and self control. He did not gossip for hours 
like the Greek heroes before every battle; he did not cry out like the latter when wounded, but his consciousness of honour demanded 
calm and the conserving of strength. Seen from this aspect, the Viking is in fact the man of culture, while the aesthetically perfected late 
Greek is the barbarian left behind devoid of a centre. The words of Fichte: True culture rests upon disposition, reveals our true Nordic 
nature when facing other cultures whose highest value is not character — which for us is synonymous with honour and duty — but another 
sense of value, another idea around which its life revolves. 

The destinies of the western peoples have taken on diverse forms in the course of time, conditioned by different circumstances. 
Everywhere that Nordic blood predominates, the concept of honour is present. However, it is also mixed with other ideals. This is 
revealed by vernacular sayings. In Russia the idea of a church, of religious feeling, has become dominant, which cloaks even the wildest 
outbreak with religious fervour (consider, for example, the man in Dostoyevski' s Idiot who commits a murder for the sake of a silver 
watch, but says a prayer beforehand). The Russian therefore speaks of his motherland as Swjataja Rossija, that is, as holy Russia. The 
Frenchman approaches life from the formally aesthetic aspect; France is therefore for him La Belle France. Similarly the Italian. The 
Englishman is proud of his logical historical development, of tradition, firm, typical forms of life. He therefore admires his Old England. 
But with us, in spite of many displeasing attributes, reference is still always made with identical fervour to German loyalty, which 

The Myth of the 20th Century 35 



proves that our metaphysical nature still feels the mark of honour as its permanent base. 

Around this concept of honour, then, ultimately revolved the lasting struggle over millennia, when Nordic Europe saw itself facing 
the armed Roman south, and was finally subjugated in the name of religion and Christian love. 

It is certainly beyond question that even without the intrusion of armed Roman Syrian Christianity, an epoch of Germanic history — 
the mythological era — had ended. Nature symbolism would have given way to a new morally metaphysical system, a new form of 
belief. But this form would undoubtedly have been invested by the same spiritual content, with the idea of honour as its leitmotif and 
yardstick. However, with Christianity, a different spiritual value penetrated through and laid claim upon first place; love, in the sense of 
humility, mercy, subjection and asceticism. Today it is clear to every honest German that with this doctrine of love, which included all 
creatures of the world in equal degree, a sore blow was thrust against the soul of Nordic Europe. Christianity, in the way it took shape as 
a system, did not recognise the ideas of race and nation, because it represented a violent merging of diverse elements: it also did not 
recognise the idea of honour, because in pursuing Rome' s later aims of power it proceeded with subjection not only of bodies but also of 
souls. But it is characteristic that the idea of love was in fact also unable to set itself through in the conduct of church institutions. Both 
organisationally as well as dogmatically, the structure of the Roman system has been from the first day fundamentally and consciously 
intolerant and rejecting all other systems, not to say hate filled towards them. Wherever it could, it proceeded to assert itself by 
excommunication, outlawry, fire, sword and poison. Apart form moral evaluations, we can only confirm this fact which indeed is not 
even denied by recent Roman catholic writers. But this fact proves more than all others that no typeforming power is inherent in the idea 
of love. Because even the organisation of the religion of love has been built up without love. And, in fact, with much less love than other 
typeforming powers. The ancient Goths tolerated — as Dollinger proves — both the catholic as well as other beliefs, and showed a faith 
felt to be spiritually necessary as such. This toleration vanished everywhere when the spirit of Bonifacius and the compulsory law of 
love triumphed. In this connection one should compare the conduct of the heathen Frisian Duke Radbod in contrast to the Roman will to 
persecution. He remained true to the belief of his forefathers, but nevertheless did not persecute the Christian preachers. When several 
particularly zealous Christian missionaries were brought before him and one of them, despite the Duke' s resultant anger, still 
courageously represented the new faith, the heathen Duke said: I see that you do not fear our threats and that your words are as your 
works, and sent the missionaries back with all honours to Pippin, the Duke of the Franks. So reports Alcuin. In nobility of soul this 
pagan Frisian Duke stands far above the representative of god in Rome who made great efforts to banish this inner freedom and respect 
from the world. It is not easy for any German to express a negative evaluation in face of the Etruscan Jewish Roman system, for despite 
the way the latter is constructed, it has nevertheless been ennobled by the sacrifice of millions of German people. They have taken over 
what is alien in this, together with what is strange but spiritually related; respected the first less, shaped the second lovingly, and asserted 
many a Nordic value within the whole. Nonetheless, today, at a time of great spiritual change, the truth demands the examination of 
what emanates from Rome concerning whether it is furthering of life, or harmful to the nature of the Germanic west. This must be 
undertaken, not from the standpoint of personal ill will, but by surveying the great tensions and detensionings of history over more than 
two thousand years, and in investigation of the racial soul values conditioning these upheavals. Then we see that fundamentally the same 
struggle by the Greeks and Romans has fallen to the Germans. They can just as little escape this struggle as the other two great Nordic 
folkish waves, because the latter in their ebbing backwards carried within themselves the Asiatic spiritual values once overthrown by 
them, and the human material embodying these values. They carried these with them over Hellas, far over the Alps, beyond the frontiers 
of German living space, at times into the heart of the Nordic race itself. 

But if one traces back the causes why this was so successful, then one will discover that one of the most important factors was the 
challenge of Germanic greatness of heart, alongside the earlier technical superiority of the older, more experienced south, and at a time 
of religious crisis in Teutonic life which alone would not have explained such a long lasting victory. This greatness of heart, which is 
shaped allegorically forever in Siegfried, which presupposes with an opponent the same valuing of honour and open form of battle, 
indeed whose childlike honesty cannot believe the contrary, has contributed to many a hard defeat for the Germans in the course of their 
history; once when it began to admire Rome, in recent times when it carried out the emancipation of the Jews and thereby granted 
poison equal rights with healthy blood. The first took a terrible revenge in the wars of the heretics, in the Thirty Years War which 
brought Germany close to the abyss; the second has its revenge today when the poisoned German national body is seized by the gravest 
convulsions. And both these powers, hostile to us, still call upon the greatness of heart found with the gravely sick, call for the latter' s 
justice, preach love of all humanity, and make efforts to finally gnaw away all remaining resistance of character. 

A complete triumph of this humanity would have the same consequences as once the victory of hither Asia over Athens and Rome, 
so that the latter, once the deadly enemy of the Etruscan Pelasgian Syrian world, became virtually the chief representative of these same 
forces after the original values of ancient Rome had collapsed; a collapse which was due to physical decomposition and the preaching of 
the aloneness of humanity and love. But the doctrine of love was not a typeforming power even in its most beautiful form, but a power 
melting resistance. 

In order to preserve itself as a typeforming power and to assert itself further, the church could not and might not recognise any love. 
But it could certainly pursue power politics with the aid of love. If the consciousness of personality, of defending honour and of manly 
duty, are transformed into humility and love filled dedication, then the impulse to resistance against the forces organising and directing 
the belief in the latter is broken. A herd and a shepherd! This is, taken literally as was demanded, what had been the clearest declaration 
of struggle against the German spirit. If this idea had completely triumphed, then Europe today would consist only of a characterless 
human horde numbering many millions, ruled with the aid of a highly cultivated fear of purgatory and everlasting tortures of hell, 
paralysed by love in the struggle for a feeling of honour, its better parts in service of a humanitarian philanthropism represented by 
CARITAS. This is the condition for which the Roman system was forced to strive, insofar as it wished to exist as such, and as a spiritual 
and political power. 

It is not my intention here to write a history of dogmas, but I wish only to describe a logical system with which (as far as his nature 
is concerned) an awakening Nordic man must by necessity come permanently into the gravest spiritual conflict. Either he subjects 

The Myth of the 20th Century 36 



himself to it completely (as at times in the middle ages) or he rejects it according to feeling and consciously in principle. In the first 
event, an external authority is attained for a brief time which, however, must collapse on account of its organic impossibility, as the great 
struggles show up to Dollinger; in the second event, the way is free for real organic culture and a true form of belief according to blood 
and race. The last centuries have stood under the mark of a compromise which did not touch upon any fundamental questions of world 
outlook but only organisational and political power relationships. 

It is characteristic of Roman Christianity that where possible it eliminates the personality of its founder, in order to put in its place 
the church structure of a rulership by priests. Jesus is admittedly set up as the highest and holiest, as the source of all faith and bliss, but 
only for the purpose of investing the church representing him with the halo of an eternal and untouchable glory. For between Jesus and 
man, the church and its representatives intrude with the assertion that the way to Jesus can only lie through the church. Since Jesus does 
not live upon earth, man is in fact only concerned with this church which is fully authorised to bind or release forever. The utilisation of 
the belief in Jesus Christ (The ruling Christ as the author of the Heliand poem calls him) for the power politics of a self deifying league 
of priests forms the essence of Rome in the same way as under other names it formed that of priestly politicians in Egypt, Babylon and 
Etruria. 

To strengthen the power of the doctrines and statutes protecting the priestly male league, a great art of dialectics was used by pious 
men which traced back all church edicts over 1500 years to the gospels, with the emphasis, however, that the church alone possessed the 
right to dispense faultless dogmas of universal validity. Church Christianity of catholic form and protestant offshoot appears before us 
today as an historical phenomenon; the beginning and end allow themselves to be clearly surveyed. The building is completed, every 
beam has its supports, the dogmatic edicts all find their bases. Now rigidity has appeared; one may thus speak about the building without 
needing to fear that one is falsely interpreting a living, still growing phenomenon in its driving forces. 

Doctor Adam, a leading catholic theoretician, assures us that: 

Catholicism is not completely identical with early Christianity, or even to be identified with the message of Christ, any more than the 
fully grown oak tree with the tiny acorn. 

Here the sanctified arrogance of the church (the work bears the stamp IMPRIMATVR) concerning Jesus is openly expressed, and 
all further glorification of Christ serves, as said, only for the purpose of increasing the ruling tyranny of the church, not the message of 
Christ, of the little acorn. The office of the church rests completely in the hands of the priest who by the laying on of hands becomes the 
representative of the apostolic power. As a basis for this doctrine, the words of Jesus to Peter are quoted, according to which he calls him 
the rock upon which he will build his church. The fact that these words were a forgery inserted into the ancient texts much later by a true 
servant of the church, naturally does not prevent this demonstrably untrue doctrine from being repeated all over the world as the 
message of Jesus. This passage (Matthew XVI: 18) is in fact an exceedingly clumsy one among the many pious forgeries, for a few 
verses later Jesus calls this same Peter a Satan who should get behind him. Jesus says the same in Mark VIII, 30). Would he have wished 
to build up a church upon such a man so clearly described, whose betrayal of him Jesus likewise foresaw? Such an assumption 
approaches an open abusing of the personality of Christ. Merx says in conclusion: Historical research concerning Jesus cannot allow 
itself to be deceived forever by such forgery; there must be an end of it. (Die vier kanonischen Evangelien, III, 320). 

Doctor Adam goes on: When the catholic priest spreads the word of Christ, then it is not a mere man who preaches, but Christ 
himself. By this, the self deification of the priest has been elevated into a dogma which certainly contains the height of arrogance in the 
view that if anywhere a leading personality elevated his own poor self into a bearer of Christ' s message the church would at once have 
to utter its anathema over him: And it would utter this anathema, even if an angel who came from heaven taught otherwise than has been 
accepted from the apostles. 

The last elimination of human self reliance in favour of an unreal office is perfected in the sacraments: The sacramental blessing is 
not produced by the personal moral and religious efforts of the receiver of them, but far more through the objective completion of the 
sacramental token itself. With this, the annihilation of the personality is demanded, its valuelessness as religious doctrine is announced. 
In the midst of a people who had placed honour — personal honour, family honour, race honour, national honour — above all else as the 
midpoint of life, the open broadcasting of such a demand would never have been able to be carried through. This has only been possible 
through the skilled replacing of the concept of honour by that of love, followed by humility and devotion. That this sacramental token is 
represented as having been established by Jesus himself, should be noted only as a small proof of with what lack of concern history is 
formed and structures of religion are built. 

It is self evident that these ideas of a doctrine aiming at magic could not be maintained in such barren representation even after the 
denial of honour as a guiding idea. The blood related customs of Nordic man and his knightly way of thinking were unable to be 
completely driven out even with fire and sword. So the church then proceeded to the incorporation of popular pre Christian parables into 
its system which was apparently ready even before early Christianity. According to Adam, the church was already there, in disposition, 
in seed — virtually — before Peter and John were converted. 

Belief in Wotan was admittedly dying, but the sacred groves in which the god was worshipped remained the goal of Germanic 
pilgrims. All destruction of the Wotan symbols and the cursing of the old belief did not help. So in place of Wotan, Christian martyrs 
and saints such as holy Martin were set up. Cloak, sword and horse were his symbols (thus the same symbols as Wotan, Odin); the 
respected groves of the sword god became in this manner the places of holy Martin, the saint of war, who is still worshipped today by 
German pilgrims (for example, the Schwertslocher chapel). Saint George and saint Michael also represent the renaming of old Nordic 
deities who through this baptism arrived in the domain of the Roman church. The she devil Lady Venus has been transformed into saint 
Pelagia; Donar, the thunderer and the cloud god, became saint Peter guarding heaven; the Wotanlike character of the wild huntsman is 
imparted to saint Oswald, and on chapters and carvings the redeemer Widar is shown tearing the Fenris Wolf to pieces (for example, at 
Berchtesgaden). The same Widar, who in trying to save Odin swallowed by the Fenris Wolf, kills the monster. The comparison with 
Jesus is clear. Even the pious Hrabanus Maurus, the most learned church teacher in Germany at the end of the 8th century, represents 
god as dwelling in the fortress of heaven, an idea which originates not from the bible, but from the heroic ancient Germanic soul. 

The Myth of the 20th Century 37 



On the first of May, old Germania celebrated Walpurgis night, the beginning of the twelve festive nights of the summer solstice. It 
was the day of Wotan's (Wodan, Odin) wedding with Freya. Today the sacred Walburg celebrates its name day on the first of May, 
while all customs have been altered by the church into magic and witchcraft, nature symbolism being thus transformed into oriental 
diabolism. 

In Regensburg a chalice is preserved on a copper gilded stand, which is only drunk from on John's day. This was the ancient form 
of festive wine for communion (which was still preached by the church in both forms in the 13th century) on December 27, the post 
celebration of the winter solstice. In remembrance of very old love potions, wine is still handed around from saint Sebastian's skull cup 
even today (for example in Ebersberg, Upper Bavaria). This drinking to love, and drinking for luck to saint John the Baptist, to saint 
Martin and saint Stephen, are all very old customs. The devout catholic Johann Nepomuk Sepp says: The cup of Christ has been 
withheld from laymen by Rome, but the folk has not allowed the ancient pagan cup to be taken from it. 

Along with customs, songs and images also altered. We see Oswald the holy illustrated in the Book of saints of 1488. He sits upon a 
throne in royal dress and crown. Around him fly the two ravens of Odin. Only the palms and the shepherd's crook are Christian 
additions. Odin is still worshipped today under the name of Oswald and, for example, he has his church in Traunstein, but also sacred 
places on the Lower Rhine, in Holland, and in Belgium. Even the legend of saint Kuemmernis goes back to the figure of Odin as the 
Edda describes him to us, when Odin hung on the windy tree for nine nights wounded by a spear. The figure of a bearded, crucified man 
(Odin, Donar) who throws down a golden shoe to those who pray to him, recurs in many old sculptures and as motif in many songs. The 
female saint Kuemmernis has developed from this figure in a way still not completely clarified. 

The church thus had to accommodate itself, to set its saints upon fiery steeds, to send them swinging sword and spear into battle 
with dragons and other foes, to acquire honour and fame or to save captured virgins from the clutches of an evildoer. The statues of 
Roland and saint George are examples of this kind which were only gradually replaced by those of Mary: in place of the symbol of 
honour the allegory of love appeared. 

The Nordic gods were figures of light with spear and radiant cross and swastika, the symbols of the sun, of fertile ascending life. 
Since long before 3000 B.C., Nordic folkish waves carried these symbols, as can be proved, to Greece, Rome, Troy and India. Minutius 
Felix is zealous against the pagan cross; until finally the Roman (shaped like a T) gallows upon which Jesus was nailed, had to be recast 
to this pagan, now Christian, cross, and the pagan sun or cross of heaven appeared as saintly light above the heads of church martyrs or 
messengers of faith. Today we experience the birth of a new science: that of the interpretation of ancient Germanic symbolism. The 
circle with the four spokes appears as a cross of heaven, that is, as a projection of the directions of the sky, the sixfold division as points 
of the summer winter solstice. It is this symbolism of a cosmic kind which passes through all the centuries, taken over mysteriously as 
the last fragments of a time which laid down its world picture of the father of heaven, birth, death and eternity with symbols instead of 
with letters. The allegories of the sun are an excerpt from this world picture. The ray of light, the lance, becomes the allegory of ruling. 
The riding god with the lance therefore appears again and again anew on Christian memorial stones and designs: this was the eternal 
wanderer Wotan (Odin, Wodan) riding through the history of Christianity. Divided into many figures, this god lived and cast spells as 
saint Oswald, as saint George, as saint Martin, as a rider with the lance, indeed as saint Kuemmernis in catholic countries, and today as 
der Wode still passes invisibly through the soul of the people in Lower Saxony. As long as a people lives, its gods are immortal. That 
was Wotan's revenge after his decline, until Baldur arose again and called himself the saviour of the world. 

In Rome (also in Wittenberg) they were deeply outraged concerning this primal strength of ancient Nordic tradition which even 
Bonifacius and his successors up to the present day could not completely destroy. But there was nothing left other than to rename the 
other figures of the gods as Christian saints, and to transform their features in this manner. How this was carried out according to plan, is 
shown by countless Papal edicts. Thus, for example, Pope Gregorius the Great writes to Augustinus, the missionary to the pagans who 
begs him for advice on the best way to convert the latter: 

For in our time may the holy church certainly turn with glowing zeal towards better men, but others she tolerates, yet in such 
manner that she often suppresses the evil which she fights, particularly by such tolerance and disregard. 

— Bede, I, 27. 

And on July 22, 601, the same pope writes to the Abbot Mellitus that if the pagan temples could not be destroyed, one might 
transform them: 

Then if the people does not see its temples destroyed, it may lay aside error from its heart and gladly find its way, according to 

old custom, to the place familiar to it. 

And about allowing offerings: 

When some joys are allowed to them outwardly in such measure, then may many accustom their mind easier to the inner joys. For 
quite certainly it does not happen that one cuts off hard dispositions all at once, indeed because even he who wishes to rise up to the 
highest peaks, works his way up by stages not at one leap. 

— Bedel, 30. 

(Compare Thomas Hanlein: The proselytism of the ancient German to Christianity, Leipzig, 1910 and 1914, 1, 57 and I, 64). 

But the festivals of the Christian church appeared on the same day as the early peoples celebrated them, whether these were the 
festival of the fertility goddess Ostara, which became the Easter resurrection festival, or the festival of the winter solstice, which became 
the birthday of Jesus. Thus the catholic church in its fundamental forms in northern Europe has also been conditioned in a Nordic 
manner. The grotesque thing about this fact is only that it seeks to make a virtue out of necessity, and claims the richness of spiritual life 
exclusively in favour. The coercive church dogma declares in all seriousness that every national complexion can have a place in the 
church, that every kind of religiousity is under its protection; nowhere has the personal freedom of religious expression been so 
protected as in the catholic [!] church. (Adam.) This is naturally a reversal of facts which speak only too clearly. From Bonifacius by 
way of Ludwig the Pious, who made efforts to exterminate everything Teutonic with fire and sword, and a total of over nine million 
murdered heretics, we pass to the Vatican council which up to the present represents a unique attempt to assert a merciless uniform 

The Myth of the 20th Century 38 



spiritual belief: one form, one compulsory dogma, one language, and one rite, identically for Nordics, Levantines, negroes, Chinese and 
Eskimos. (One should consider, in this connection, the eucharistic congress in Chicago in 1926, where negro bishops celebrated mass). 
For two thousand years the eternal blood of all races and peoples revolted against this. But just as the idea of a world monarchy has 
exercised a hypnotising influence on strong personalities from Alexander to Napoleon, so also the idea of one church ruling the entire 
world. And just as this first idea forced millions under its sway, so also did the second, as an idea, although it did not achieve complete 
subjection in its effect. Therefore the great men of the early middle ages also regarded the Roman church as an ally, or at least as a 
helper for the realisation of romantic plans of power. The church on its part saw in a worldly arm equipped with weapons, a means for 
creating a free path for its intentions. Examination of the inner motives for this, reveals that this struggle was essentially one for 
predominance, concerning what should be regarded as a supreme metaphysical value, a character value: Love, humility, denial, 
submission or honour, dignity, self assertion, pride. 

Love was only demanded and practised by the supporters and lower grades of the Roman system; in order to have permanence and 
to stimulate strong natures, the leadership needed glitter, strength, power over the bodies and souls of men. Undoubtedly, a great 
spiritual readiness for sacrifice has been cultivated through this system: what the catholic church calls with pride its CARITAS. But it is 
particularly here, in its most beautiful human effect, that an equally powerful difference in the evaluation and consequence of an 
apparently identical action is shown. As the mercy of god is provided only through the church, so also are good deeds and mercy only a 
gift of the church to the unfortunate, to the sinner. This represents a cleverly weighed competition for broken men, with the purpose of 
binding them to a centre of power, and bringing before them both their nothingness in the sight of god, and simultaneously the power 
represented by the triumphant church. But this thought process also lacks everything which we would describe as knightliness. A Nordic 
people determined by the concept of honour would assert that someone in need should be supported not in the name of condescending 
love and mercy but in the name of justice and of duty. This would have had as consequence not a subservient humility but an inward 
honesty, not the breaking of personality but its strengthening, that is, the reawakening of the consciousness of honour. 

To this context belongs pity, of the Christian church kind, which has also appeared in a new form in the humanitarianism of 
freemasonry, and which led to the greatest desolation of our entire life. From the coercive dogma of unrestricted love and the equality of 
all mankind before god on the one side, from the teaching of human rights supported by democratic racelessness and without nationally 
rooted ideas of honour on the other, European society has virtually developed as a protector of the inferior, the sick, crippled, criminal 
and rotten. Love plus humanitarianism has become a doctrine decomposing all commandments of life and the life forms of people and 
state, and, as a result, has come into conflict with present day avenging Nature. A nation whose midpoint was represented by honour and 
duty, would not preserve the corrupt and criminal, but eliminate them. We also see by this example that the faceless scheme in its lust 
for uniformity, pairs itself with unhealthy subjectivism, while a social and state community welded together by honour and duty must 
out of justice eliminate material privations and make efforts to increase the consciousness of individual value within this enforced 
discipline, but in such a way that, likewise through necessity, it would separate those racially and spiritually unfit for Nordic forms of 
life. The one or other results when honour is set up as the highest value of all actions, and the protection of the Nordic European race is 
given prime importance. 

A typical example of how the Roman system utilised human weaknesses for its purposes, is shown by the compulsory dogma of the 
selling of indulgences. The church asserts that it possesses a fullness of representative atonement towards the poor sinner on behalf of 
Jesus and the saints. For releasing and binding, by virtue of their divine trust, it has the approval of Jesus at its disposal in dealing with a 
particular evildoer (in fact it was the African Tertullianus who extended the doctrine of dealer with much use of legal hair splitting). It 
has been attempted to surround this doctrine with many mysterious interpretations, and to build up an entire philosophy on this 
representation of absolution. However, its subbasis of dealing in the sense of trading will not remain concealed from any deeply 
perceiving man trading in both spiritual as well as material aspect. Fundamentally, the idea of absolution is based upon the keeping of 
accounts which the church is at convenience to manipulate by choosing convenient figures. This is a cultivation of emptiness of 
character and spirit, apart from other consequences such as appeared in Luther's time, when a business representative of the Fuggers 
always accompanied Tetzel and took away from him all money received, because otherwise the Augsburg traders would never have 
been paid by Rome. The holy year invented by Bonifacius VIII brought in a huge income from the sale of indulgences. But the jubilee 
absolution could only be purchased in Rome. At first the ANNVS S ANCTVS was to be celebrated every 100 years. Then it was held 
every 50, every 33, finally every 25 years, to obtain large sums of money more frequently. The first holy year brought the pope 200,000 
foreign visitors and 15 million golden guldens. In 1350 the Vatican took in 22 million. One therefore understands why, after the 33 years 
celebrated in remembrance of Jesus' s years of life (as the festival was called after the second shortening of the interval between holy 
years), an interval lasting only 25 years was introduced on account of the brevity of human life. One sees that even the martyr's death of 
Jesus can be good for furthering the business of his representative. In order to obtain even more gold, the opening and closing of the 
golden gates was introduced for the holy year: whoever went in there and left behind his offering, could also free his friends from all 
sins. In 1500, Alexander VI used the income of the jubilee indulgence for the dowry of his daughter Lucrezia. Every crime had its firmly 
fixed price with which one could buy oneself free: murder of parents, incest, had to be paid for highly. Only protestant criticisms 
controlled corruption. Thereafter, indulgence was reserved for magical customs (carrying of holy relics, privileged altars, and so on). 
Similar business was carried on by all lesser church establishments. The monastery of Monte Cassino, for example, had a yearly income 
of 500,000 ducats, and around the year 1500 comprised 4 bishoprics, 2 principalities, 350 castles, 440 villages, 336 estates, 23 harbour 
settlements, 33 islands, 200 mills and 1662 churches! One example among thousands. In addition came the transfer of giant sums as 
dues to the pope, Peter's pennies, dispensation moneys, and so on. The very worst despots of the earth have not been more greedy than 
the representatives of the man whose kingdom was not of this world. 

The doctrinal principle of absolution was only possible because during its formation the idea of a feeling of personal honour had not 
taken effect. It had to extend its sway further, to undermine the still existing consciousness of honour, and to give the stamp of piety to 
slavish thinking. The German rebellion against this disgrace compelled the Roman system to be more cautious in organising the system 

The Myth of the 20th Century 39 



of indulgences. Fundamentally, however, it is still defended today as a just and pious practice of the church (for example, the general 
indulgence summons of 1926). It is self evident that this mischief is likewise traced back to ancient biblical practices. A thousand year 
old redisciplining of countless successive generations around a new pole — Rome — has had such a strong effect on the non Nordic 
undercurrent of the European peoples that this summons to divided mankind is not even felt by them as a disgrace, but as mutual aid by 
the limbs of the body of Christ. 

The idea of intercession by the church emanates from this same mode of thought which abandons the idea of honour. On the basis of 
resolutions of the councils at Lyons, Florence and Trent, the condition of purgatory between life on one side and of eternal damnation or 
eternal purgatory on the other was introduced, and the authority approved for the church to conduct purgatory to a worthwhile end 
through its intercession. If one strips this doctrine of all its trimmings, that is, takes it just as it is intended, namely not as real 
intercession and spiritual remembrance of the departed, but as an action which influences the passage of the soul after death, then we 
have the most ordinary magical belief such as the south sea peoples still practice today. From a philosophical aspect, the dogmas of 
selling indulgences and of effective intercession (along with several others, such as the doctrine of the scapulary and the holy anointings 
and miracle working relics) represent the final outcome of a world outlook whose type is the medicine man. The medicine man whose 
prayer brings or prevents rain, whose curse kills, who has concluded a pact with god or the gods and can force or at least influence him 
(or them) in every way by some magical practice. 

(An event not fitting strictly into this work, but which is of deep inner significance, may be mentioned here as characterising this 
spiritual attitude. On CORPVS CHRISTI day in 1929 at Munich, the procession was suddenly surprised by a violent thunderstorm. The 
monks, nuns, ministers, and so on, seized their crucifixes and candles under their arms and ran in all four heavenly directions. Later, 
Cardinal Faulhaber preached in the Frauenkirche and admonished the faithful not to allow their faith to be shaken by the bad weather, 

even if Jesus had this time not accepted the offering brought to him Jesus is here represented as a rainmaker, and the rained upon 

CORPVS CHRISTI procession as an unsuccessful attempt at sorcery! The medicine man philosophy thus exactly characterises the 
spiritual conduct of the Roman church.) 

The medicine man as a demonic figure can utilise independent thought by his supporters just as little as consciously honourable 
actions. Logically, to secure his position, he must make efforts to eliminate the one as well as the other with all the means at his disposal. 
He must excessively cultivate all too human anxieties and hysterical tendencies; he must preach witch mania and demonic sorcery; he 
must suppress with INDEX, fire and sword all inquiry that can lead to other results or even to liberation from the entire world picture 
taught by the medicine man. The medicine man throws such as Roger Bacon into prison in the same way as Galileo; he must declare the 
work of Copernicus outlawed and under ban, and make efforts to destroy all systems of thought which wish to assert honour, duty and 
loyalty between men — teachings in accordance with a personality of high value, as powers shaping life. To describe the attempt to assert 
the magically demonic world conception of the medicine man in a world political sense, means to write Roman dogma and church 
history. Rome has thus not only understood how to secure the representation of god in the eyes of millions, but by working on the 
deliberately cultivated magical belief of certain sections within the different peoples, also kept awake the belief in the universal power of 
its practices as being only possessed by the priest (such as indulgences, the last anointing, and so on) in contacting the other world. 
Other devices of similar kind in foreign lands were more logical in this respect. At the same time the pope knew how to escape 
responsibility for this sorcery. The teacher and headman of a primitive tribe boasting of magical powers will be killed, if his sacrificial 
ceremonies are fruitless and lead to drought or a universally destructive flood. The emperor of China was equal to god; as the son of 
heaven he was worshipped as such, but he was responsible for the prosperity of people and state. The pope has rendered impossible the 
further examination of his assertions by those believing in him as a result of his transferring their effect from this world into the other. 
However, if healing by hypnosis happens occasionally to be successful, then the catholic papers are filled with news about this, although 
they tenaciously keep silent about the thousands who leave the places of pilgrimage unaltered. Since nothing is spared in the painting of 
pictures of hell — an idea unfamiliar to the devout Ulfilas, for which no German word was descriptive — so Rome enchains the hopes of 
frightened millions to its rites by experiment. This method has also contributed much to the durability of the Roman system. 

The attempt to put the world in a state of bewitchment has admittedly misfired, although not completely. The initial technical 
superiority of southern lands over the Germanic ones, the consequent extermination of those who were free, proud and conscious of 
honour with the aid of every conceivable alliance, the clever falsification of Nordic customs which remained as such in existence, only 
under different control all this has not been without disadvantageous effects. 

Jesuitism has drawn the last logical conclusions from the Roman system. The final stone in the structure of the medicine man 
philosophy was laid by the Vatican council. Here the medicine man was declared as god, as infallible god for the duration of exercise of 
his office. Strictly speaking, Jesus is no longer represented, but deposed; deposed and replaced by the Roman system, crowned by the 
medicine man invested with all power, who calls himself pope. The new testament is indeed an important but not entirely exhaustive 
product of this apostolic tradition permeating the entire consciousness of the church, condescendingly writes the afore mentioned 
modern catholic theoretician, Professor Adam. 

Jesus is pushed aside; the Syrian Etruscan superstition which at the beginning enveloped his personality like weeds, appears in his 
place as apostolic tradition. 

In fact, the Roman dogma does not regard the concept of honour as a problem in itself. It had, by necessity, systematically to 
eliminate the latter from its basic standpoint which demanded only subjection. The training school for the conscious extermination of the 
defiant appearance of this spiritual power in western life is undoubtedly represented by that body which, as if in mockery, describes 
itself as the Society of Jesus; the manner in which Ignatius Loyola wished to see the imitators of Jesus perform spiritual exercises thus 
signifies the uttermost contrast to Germanic thought and feeling. There is still dispute concerning what influences have been most 
fundamental in the inward and outward shaping of the Basque Loyola. To be true, the pious voices of Maria Laach are of opinion that 
the supernatural origin of the little book of exercises cannot be doubted by any rational person, but this childish attempt, as well as other 
fresh products which are attributed to divine dictate are somewhat embarrassing even to the priesthood. It is evident that the writings of 

The Myth of the 20th Century 40 



Pater Garcia de Cisnero of Manresa, in the form of the Benedictine and Franciscan rules, exercised great influence upon Ignatius, but 
also the principles of the Moorish religious and political societies which extended over north Africa as far as Spain, must have been 
known to him since an astonishing resemblance exists between the Musulman order and the principles of the Society of Jesus. The 
Musulman texts teach: 

You shall be under the hands of your sheikh like a corpse in the hands of the watchman of the dead. 

Obey your sheikh in everything that he orders, for it is god himself who commands through his voice. 

Livre de ses appuis de Scheich 

Si Snouissi, Les Origines de la Compagnie 

de Jesus, Paris, 1898; 

compare also Charabounel: L'Origine Musulmane de Jesuites.) 

Ignatius in his famous letter demands the same kind of obedience: blind obedience, corpselike obedience. The lucidity of blind 
obedience would vanish in the event of one's posing the question as to good and evil in the face of a command. If it is necessary to fulfil 
an order by the superior, then: 

Whatever it might be, a blind urge to obey will draw us with it, without leaving the slightest room for reflection. 

It was on March 26, 1553, when the demand for corpselike obedience was flung as an open challenge into Germanic western 
spiritual life. Writes Ignatius: 

Lay aside, beloved brother, as much as possible your will, and hand over and sacrifice your freedom 

You must obey with a certain blind urge, allow yourself to drift devoid of will without any kind of investigation, to do whatever 
your superior says 

In the Constitutions we read: 

Each shall be convinced that whoever lives in obedience shall allow himself to be led by the superior, as if he be a corpse, allowing 
himself to be carried and laid down here and there in every manner; or as if he be the stick of an old man which serves him who holds it 
where and ever he will 

In his Rules, which Loyola added to the Exercises, he again demanded: 

Complete removal of personal judgement, 

and furthermore: 

When something appears white to our eyes which the church has defined as black, then this is likewise to be declared as black. 

Subjection is demanded, completely irrespective of whether the servant holds something to be sinful or dishonourable; even the 
restriction, however threadbare, made earlier is lacking here, that one needs only to disobey when an open sin is demanded. 

(A Memorial of the Jesuit college at Munich elaborates the 5th and 6th rules concerning obedience: 

He obeys blindly, who like a corpse or the stick of an old man, having no feeling and no judgement, so obeys as if he had chained 
his own judgement, and to a certain degree completely eliminated this (TOTVM ECLIPSATVM), so that he no longer has a judgement 
of his own, and is unable to see, but has made the judgement by another completely not his own, namely that of his superior, and in fact 
so completely and so perfectly that whatever his superior judges and feels, he himself judges and feels exactly the same, and that this 
judgement by his superior be his own unfalsified and natural judgement. This is the power of true self denial and of truly making oneself 
blind (EXCAECATIO), to be impelled no longer by personal, but by another's stimulus. 

Reusch, Archival contributions: 

Magazine for church history, 1895, XV, 263.) 

But even the most zealous western members of the church could not tolerate this openness, this courage of accepting the final 
logical consequence from the prerequisites of the Roman system. Even the Roman and the Spanish inquisition rebelled against this all 
too clear language. Protests resounded from all corners of the earth against this demand for dishonourableness and slavishness. A public 
condemnation of the Jesuit doctrine also nearly occurred; however, the cunning Bellarmin — in the interests of the unity of the church — 
was successful in avoiding this. (The French Jesuit Julian Vincent, who even in the year 1588 showed the courage to declare Ignatius's 
letter heretical, was thrown into prison by the inquisition, then declared to be insane. Thanks to the loving care of the Imitators of Christ 
he died the year afterwards in prison.) 

Whoever wishes to follow a similar case of the brutal enslaving of an upright man within the present Jesuit order, should read the 
legal reports by the German Jesuit father Bremer concerning his struggle against the Jesuit general, and how the pope protected the latter 
contrary to all law. Bremer, a revered scholar, represented the old strict ideas concerning morals, which were simply banned as 
inconvenient. But the little PATER did not merely allow himself to be stifled like thousands of others, and he defended his standpoint on 
the basis of church law. This had as consequence one brutal act after another, then legal actions against the PATER, then his 
condemnation in Rome without his being heard. Bremer openly raised the accusation of falsification of ancient documents against the 

Jesuit general and the pope. Both had to allow this to occur the splendid times of the inquisition are over, otherwise Bremer would 

long since have rotted in a prison (further details can be found in Doctor F. Ernst: Papst und Jesuitengeneral, Bonn, 1930). The demand 
by Ignatius to call white black, if the church so commanded, signified the declaring of holy the poisoning of souls, and was a recognition 
of the right to the destruction of conscience, the open elevation of a lie to a work of piety. The fact that this dogma, sucking away moral 
backbone, could not be completely carried out, lay once again not in the good will of the church which alone could bring salvation, but 
only in the strong defence shown by the European spirit, and in the impossibility, even by retrogressive breeding over decades, to burn 
out the European consciousness of honour. Today they are even compelled to declare that Loyola's words, dictated by god, are no longer 
true; it is no longer risked to openly demand corpselike obedience and the abandonment of one's honour in the Jesuit schools. But the 
aim and the way of creating a herd of soulless slaves are drawn unmistakably clearly. The slavish practices of the order which inject 
anxiety into the imaginative power and enslave the personal will, along with the subjection of the spiritual personality under the 
hypnosis of a strong central will, serve for breaking every feeling of dignity. The fact that the church did not condemn the doctrine of 

The Myth of the 20th Century 41 



corpselike obedience shows that it strove for the latter, like its tool, the Society of Jesus. And just as the Syrian African order wished to 
work for the very greatest praise of god, so the Jesuit order worked conscious of its goal, AD MAIOREM DEI GLORIAM, for the 
disintegration of the Nordic Germanic west, and naturally wormed its way in everywhere that a wound became noticeable in the body of 
a people. 

It is not good and evil which are discussed here, but unchangeable values of character. Loyola was, even if ambitious, nevertheless a 
courageous man, but his enslaving system is the reversal of all European values. Just as the theoretical materialist can be personally a 
good and satisfactory man, so also the warlike Loyola became the symbol of the most unscrupulous struggle against the soul of the 
Nordic race. Nothing is falser than to compare his Exercises with the Prussian educational system, as often happens with the purpose of 
obscuring the facts, because these two forms of league, training type, of men represent irreconcilable opposites. Loyola abolishes the 
uniform dress of monks, rejects excessive asceticism, sends his representatives in disguise among the affiliated in all cities, allows them 
greater freedom in their outward life. In return the Jesuits sacrifice to the order all personal enquiry, personality, human dignity — in the 
last analysis, their racially spiritual nature. The Prussian soldier was subject outwardly to harsh discipline, but inwardly he was free. The 
first system does not recognise the idea of honour, and whenever it encounters this, attempts to trample it down; the second revolves 
solely around the idea of honour. The first was and remains a fungus in the midst of our life, an acid dissolving all the strength and 
greatness of our ancient past; the second was and remains the primal cell for the structure of our entire existence, as this was operative 
when it appeared for the first time openly in the light of history with the Vikings and the early Teutons. 

After the Basque Ignatius, Lainez — a Jew — was chosen as his successor for the further development of the Roman dogma directed 
hostilely against us all. Its efficacy, namely at the Tridentine council, and the consequences of the resolutions laid down there, would be 
worthy of a German doctorate thesis. On July 18, 1870, the Jesuitical Vatican council spoke its final creed: 

We teach and declare that according to the will of the lord, the Roman church has predominance of proper authority of office over 

all others that the judgement of the apostolic chair over which there is no higher power, may be withdrawn by none of a new 

confession, just as it is permitted none to sit in judgement over its judgement. 

The chair of saint Peter remains always unspotted by any error. 

We declare it as a principle of faith revealed by god: that the pope in Rome, when he speaks from his doctrinal chair (EX 

CATHEDRA) decides a doctrine firmly adhered to by the entire church, concerning faith or morality, is capable of the divine 

support promised him by saint Peter, possesses that infallibility with which the divine redeemer wished to provide his church in deciding 

a doctrine concerning faith or morality therefore if anyone should risk contradicting this our decision, which god forbid, he is under 

ban. 

With this, the Roman Jesuitical systematic destruction of personality was perfected, Admittedly, millions of true believing catholics 
vaguely felt the monstrosity of this self deification of an office in itself, and a few men stood up to lay protest against this dishonouring 
of mankind which is the essence of the Vatican. The catholic rector of Prague university wrote in horror: 

One permitted oneself to be killed off, and indeed did it oneself, threw away conviction, belief, priestly and manly honour. That is 
the result of a development which sees the essence of Christianity in blind obedience towards the Roman hierarchy. 

Bishop Strossmeyer declared that the curia regarded the papacy as carrion, and hoped for the death of Pius IX, which would signify 
a truly good deed for mankind. Ignaz Dollinger rejected the dogma as a Christian, theologian, and historian. Even the proud leader of the 
Centre party, Windthorst, was nevertheless courageous enough, at least among friends, to reject the new doctrine of infallibility. As the 
Breslau prebendary Kunzer stated (Norddeutsche Allgemeine, January 11, 1871) he had to make the utmost efforts to calm Windthorst, 
and he sought to soften his fury against the Jesuits whom he declared guilty of everything and against whose expulsion he would not lift 
a finger. But what still seemed possible in the 16th century, was now in vain; nothing helped. Pius IX could even declare proudly of 
himself: I am the way, the truth and the life (Observateur catholique, 1866, page 357) without the spiritually decomposed, enslaved 
catholic world daring to protest against this presumption. 

It is therefore not a question of the pope dispensing any special commands as infallible, but solely the fact that this possibility is 
permitted him. A fragment of that intangible something which every people feels as centre of its soul, has been broken off. The pope 
will not, of course, openly demand anything dishonourable, but the fact of the presentation of a complete carte blanche authority on the 
part of the catholic world alone shows sufficiently that in service of love manly honour has been cast away. The VATICANVM 
signified the breaking of all men of character in the church. And thus also at the present day: for existing dignitaries are already educated 
under the rule of this honourless dogma. So called political Catholicism is only the necessary external side of the Jesuitical Roman 
system in general; thus not the misuse, but the logical application, of Roman principles, even if misuse of the real religion. Then every 
spiritual force free from Rome, every worldly power independent of Rome, appears as falling away from the only legitimate rule, and 
every means is holy for regaining this spiritual political rule. 

This system has known how to force the self sacrifice of men influenced by love into the service of an unmerciful caste. By 
replacing the inner equilibrium of consciousness by humility and pity, the spiritual dignity of the Nordic peoples was undermined. Wars, 
revolutions — in part utilised by Rome, in part directly called forth by Rome — brought increased physical and spiritual attrition with 
them, until with democratically Jewish support it became possible in 1870 to place the final stone in the roof of the building. And this 
signified: the abandonment of individual honour, of national and racial honour, in favour of demands for government by a priestly 
society declaring itself to be god. 

Seen in this connection, the greatness of Luther's deed does not consist in merely founding a church, but is much more important 
than the introduction of a division between two versions of faith. However much Luther may still have been deeply embedded in the 
middle ages, his deed signifies the great revolution in the history of Europe after the penetration of Roman Christianity. Luther denied 
the priesthood as a power in itself, that is, denied the right of justification by a caste of men who claimed to be in closer relationship with 
the godhead than others, and who on the basis of alleged knowledge of god presumed they possessed better insight concerning god's 
plans for salvation and conditions in heaven. As a result, Martin Luther hindered the further advance of that magical monstrosity which 

The Myth of the 20th Century 42 



had come to us from central Asia by way of Syria and Africa. Monasticism is African in origin, so is the tonsure; and the antinatural 
castrations by means of which one is supposed to be brought nearer to god are central Asiatic in origin. The rosary is Asiatic, and it is 
still used in present day Tibet where its mechanism has been perfected in the prayer wheel. The kissing of the pope's feet is Asiatic, the 
Dalai Lama still demands the same today — and several other things which, however, could not be established in Europe. In this 
connection it is worth recalling the behaviour of Alexander the Great. When he had conquered the whole of hither Asia, he made the 
Asiatics kneel down when they greeted him, but with his Macedonians he acted as with comrades; a single attempt also at introducing 
obeisance from them, but which failed at once. Here Nordic Europe already parted from orientalism, but Lamaism had completed its 
intrusion in the form of the Roman priest caste, and continued the oriental politics of the Babylonians, Egyptians and Etruscans. Martin 
Luther declared war on this spiritual collectivity, was victorious, and all catholics still conscious of honour must thank his labour for the 
fact that the papacy reformed itself and was forced to a purification, in order to continue to exist at all in the awakening cultural world of 
Europe. 

It must now be made clear how things would have proceeded with the Germanic states if that spirit had triumphed which wished to 
link holiness with dirt and repellent life. Eusebios the holy ran around with 100 kilogram iron weights; saint Macarios purchased 
holiness for himself by bearing the tortures of an ant hill upon which he sat; saint Francis — admittedly in many ways a very great 
personality — paid tribute to the spirit of Asia by rolling around on thorns to the pleasure of god. Outstandingly pious nuns drank 
strangers' spittle, ate dead mice and rotten eggs, all so as to become holier. The pious Hilarion is praised because he lived only in filth; 
the holy Athanasios was proud of never having washed his feet; the same is reported of Abraham the holy, of Sylvia the holy. The 

nunnery of saint Euphrasia had even taken an oath that its nuns might never bathe with unhindered further development of this odour 

of sanctity. Europe today would have arrived at the same condition as the dirt contemplating saints of India and Tibet, at a condition of 
the most perfected stupidity, of the most terrible superstition, of poverty and of misery — with a constant enrichment of the priest caste. 
Europe was saved because of the extent of the anti Roman movements, and the greatest saviour of the west has therefore been Martin 
Luther because he combated the system from which the conditions described above resulted as a necessary consequence: the priesthood 
of Rome with its magic power, representing the continuation of the priestly societies of hither and central Asia. This German farmer's 
son thus became the axis of a new world development for which all Europeans must be thankful, since he not only made the protestants 
free, but also saved catholics from spiritual decline. The later return of many fallen centres (Vienna and Munich were once protestant 
cities) to Catholicism thus only became possible through an enforced cleansing of the odour of sanctity. However, it must also never be 
forgotten that if the protestant spirit were no longer to exist, the Tibetan Etruscan world would reveal itself anew (Spain, which was least 
protestant, has felt the rule of Rome bitterest of all, and nowhere in Europe was there such backwardness of spirit and soul as in Spain 
before the revolution of April, 1931). How deeply satanic superstition still prevails even today in the very highest posts, has been 
revealed to an astonished world by the Leo Taxil swindle which is on the same level as the exorcising of the devil by devout churchmen 
in all states. 

The essence of the conflict between emperor and pope was first of all the struggle for predominance between knightly honour and 
the enervating doctrine of love. The living allegory of the first is the sword with the hilt in the form of a cross and the bishop riding on a 
battle charger. Without question, knightly honour predominated at first; even a Charlemagne would laughingly have rejected a Pius IX. 
But Charlemagne held it as expedient to allow his dignity to be sanctified through religion and to proclaim his rule over the peoples as 
originating from god's blessing. Emperor and pope were thus at first political allies against the noble Saxons to whose fame it is — 
according to Goethe — that they hated Christianity in the form offered. Widukind admittedly fought for himself, but simultaneously for 
the freedom of all Nordic peoples. At the same time, Charlemagne remains the rugged founder of the German Reich as a political unit. 
After the reestablishment of the honour of Saxony, which had been derided for 1000 years, both great opponents pass into German 
history: Charlemagne as the founder of the German Reich, Widukind as defender of the Germanic values of freedom. 

Loyalty by vassals and loyalty between men were likewise regarded by the old knights as above possessions and happiness, as with 
the author of the Edda. The Havamal closes with the words: 

Possessions pass away, 

Relatives die, 

You yourself die as they. 

One thing I know 

That lives forever: 

The famous deeds of the dead. 

This is the Nordic form of the Buddhist Karma doctrine. In the Beowulf poem a mingling of the Germanic feeling of honour with 
the Christian idea of redemption is attempted, namely insofar as Beowulf undertakes to save outraged, tortured humanity; but he does 
not fight with the aid of the principle resist not evil, but as a hero, the terror of the wicked. (Compare in this connection Vishnu who 
appears in the world again and again for the destruction of evildoers). But a certain soft undertone already makes itself perceptible in 
Beowulf. While it was regarded as dishonourable for the ancient Germans to return home from the battlefield without their lord and 
leader, the miserable behaviour of the disciples of Christ in the garden at Gethsemane (which also seemed very painful to the poet of the 
Heliand) has already cast a shadow here. With the exception of one loyal man, the followers of Beowulf abandon him when they are 
seized by forebodings of death! This completely un Nordic, soft hearted feature is in fact again countered by a conscious praise of 
honour: 

No event can weaken the man of noble blood. 

And: 

The end of this life threatens us all; therefore whoever can, should attain fame before death! 

Finally, the dishonourable and disloyally fleeing men have banishment pronounced over them: 

Now to all your race be refused 

The Myth of the 20th Century 43 



The gift of swords and of bright treasures, 

Joys of homeland and of the native hearth: 

Bare of the rights of our life 

Shall each be, when far away, 

The noble learn of your flight, 

That infamous deed. Death is better 

For each noble man than a disgraceful life. 

The Germanic knight also allows unpraiseworthy actions to be placed to his account, actions which result from weakness of will or 
the breaking through of lower impulses. But when he afterwards accepts them and takes the consequences upon himself, then we 
understand this more than the cowardly behaviour of the first apostles. A grim figure like Hagen seems to us significantly greater than, 
for instance, Peter the rock. Hagen throws away his honour in service of his king and at last dies for it proudly and unbroken. The gossip 
Peter denies his lord at the first test, doubly and trebly; the sole expression of emotion which allows him to appear sympathetically, 
when he draws his sword (which the poet of Heliand describes with perceptible relief), is very typically overshadowed by his later 
cowardly lies. Church tradition vainly makes efforts to turn Peter into a hero. But the devout poet of the Heliand poem attempts to 
excuse the behaviour of the disciples in Gethsemane by their sorrow, for otherwise their sleep would appear dishonourable and therefore 
incomprehensible to his Saxon audience: 

The born of the lord 

Found them sleeping in sorrow ! 

Their hearts were heavy 

That the dear lord 

Was to leave them. 

The development from chivalry to knighthood already began under Konrad II, and this was maintained until far into the 14th 
century. The knights saw themselves as children of the empire, and were thus under obligation to defend emperor and kingdom against 
external foes. This fact gave them justification for the existence of their order, it led to the actual knightly concept of honour which is its 
first worldly representation attaining some highest purpose in accordance with social rank. After the almost complete subjectivism of the 
Vikings and the old Germanic captains with their followers, a large section of the people was consequently adjusted to the spiritual 
centrepoint of the entire race. The practice of granting a sword, of girding it, finally the knighting ceremony, represented symbolically 
an inward elevation and ennobling. If the later knight through his becoming ossified and stereotyped represented a fragment of antiquity 
amidst a new social life, if the plundering raids of idle knights during peace also offer a displeasing picture, then these are things which 
even the best idea does not escape containing, and the fact remains that up to the present the word knightly is used to describe only a 
man who greatly protects his fellow men and knows how to safeguard honour. 

It is self evident that the Roman system also made efforts to render the knights' order serviceable to itself which, among other 
things, found expression in the dedication of the sword. At the very beginning of his oathtaking, the knight obligated himself to serve 
religion, then to stand by the oppressed, and only lastly to grant the emperor obedience. This was the formal establishment of a Roman 
influence, such as had already been carried out earlier. Certain pious historians have even attempted to trace back the foundation of the 
knights' order to Rome (like their dogmas to Jesus) and in fact Gregorius VII is cited as their founder. This naturally only occurs with 
the intention of bringing even the representation of this anti Roman idea — by tracing its origin back to the pope — into dependency upon 
the latter, naturally with different consequences resulting from it for the present. Thus, for example, the historian Gefrorer knows how to 
relate the manner in which the knightly idea of holy Rome originated, in order to then unveil the latter's intentions: Only as a result of 
the powerful influence which the church gained through the office of Gregorius VIII on the warriors' order of the western Christian 
kingdoms, and in fact on the Roman first, did the knights' order attain its full substance as an institution or corporation which laid upon 
it the task of rendering serviceable by special duties the heroic courage of the soldiers of religion. Fame, honour, race, people, emperor 
and kingdom, were and are thus regarded by the representatives of the Roman system as mere names and subordinates; as the purpose of 
such a knights' order is falsely attributed to the pope, only service for the latter appears. By this the unchangeable politics of the Roman 
church have also become completely clear, and in fact it has been successful by means of hypnotising sermons to shed torrents of blood 
for the power hungry church in countless crusades, to make the heroic heart serve religion, to subordinate honour to love. Iper and Arras, 
cry the Flemings; Husta heya Beyerlant, ran the battlecry of the Bavarians; Rome could not prevent this, but it could sow discord by 
playing off different interests against each other. And it has regarded this as its life's task up to today. Out of instinct for self 
preservation, Rome cannot tolerate any organisation which is conscious of its people and honour, even less a self sufficient, completely 
honour conscious nation. Therefore it must promote dissension and sow war and racial decomposition. This is inherent in the nature of 
its faceless system and will not alter, as long as this system exists. 

Another, apparently ineradicable, falsification of history dominates even today those circles which give a clear account of Rome and 
its system, namely that all education and culture which gradually passed over the west was a consequence of church activity. In fact, the 
exact opposite is the case. 

Pressed by the Langobards, Pope Stephanus II (in approximately 755) begs for aid and implores that he might be invited into 
Franconia. This takes place and Pippin receives the pope on foot, but the latter, conscious of his weak position, shows himself as the 
poor apostle of Christ, wraps himself and his priests in hair shirts, strews ashes on his head, and on his knees implores the king to help 
the Roman people. Since this time France has regarded itself as the eldest daughter of Rome (wisely refusing, however, since Hugo 
Capet, the enticements of a Roman title). The same pope then works against the union of Charlemagne with a Langobard woman. He 
writes that Charles might not pollute in a disloyal and most stinking manner the high, noble and kingly race of the Franks with the blood 
of the Langobards, and in such event begs heaven to hand over Charles to the eternal flames. But since this threat made no impression 
upon the emperor, the holy father later allied himself with this same stinking Langobard king. 

The Myth of the 20th Century 44 



At the time, when the spiritual influencing on the world is said to have been performed from Rome outwards, things in reality 
proceeded there in a highly unspiritual manner. In 896, Pope Stephanus VI hit upon the idea of digging up the decomposed corpse of his 
predecessor, condemning the dead man to death at a synod as an evil usurper, hacking three fingers off his perjured corpse, and handing 
him over to the Roman people to be drowned. Shortly afterwards, Stephanus himself was flung into prison and strangled, while the 
corpse of his predecessor was once again fished out of the Tiber and newly robed as pope. 

After this, the popes alternately overthrow one another, and imprison each other by turns, until Sergius III, his concubine Marozia at 
his left hand, ascends the chair of Peter. This woman Marozia, along with her mother Theodora, secures herself influential bishops as 
lovers and props of her rule. When Sergius was disposed of, Marozia, after a brief pause, raised her son to be pope as John XL Her first 
son Albrich was highly outraged at this and overthrew the rule of his mother. After his death his son occupied the papal office as John 
XII. But conditions still did not improve. In 938, the expelled Pope Bonifacius VII was successful in throwing his rival representative of 
Jesus into prison and leaving him to die there. But Bonifacius also did not enjoy the tiara for long: he was driven out himself by the royal 
nobility and by the woman Theodora, already mentioned, the famous mother of that very energetic whore Marozia, whose grandson 
Crescentius became master of Rome, and who now sold the papal chair to willing creatures. In 1024 a man took the papal throne who 
had previously never been a cleric. He bought himself the representation of god and called himself John XIX. Later a ten year old son of 
a count was elected as Pope Benedictus IX. But since the latter gave himself up prematurely to every conceivable vice, he became too 
dissolute even for the Romans; they therefore elected a new representative of Christ, who called himself Sylvester III. But the new pope 
was soon seized with anxiety at the dangers of his office and preferred to barter the latter for 1 ,000 pounds of gold to Gregorius VI, at 
which the expelled Benedictus was morally outraged and raised a renewed claim to the chair of Peter. The honourable cardinal Caesar 
Baronius openly called these popes whore's stallions. This scandal only ceased when Emperor Henry III intervened. 

These were the conditions in Rome during the 10th and 1 1th centuries which every German ought to be familiar with, but 
concerning which silence is wisely kept by a school of historical writing filled with lies on the one side and cowardly silence on the 
other. At this very time began the national gathering of the Germans under Heinrich I, and the conscious attempt at national recovery 
and development under Otto I the Great. Thanks to him, a German knight, the bishops obtained great influence, acquired the rank of 
princes, and provided spiritual knowledge, promoted crafts, trade and farming. Directed and protected by the emperor, not by the pope, 
the first cultural centres blossomed in Quedlinburg, Reichenau, and Hersfeld. The popes, on the other hand, had honourable men 
murdered; such popes as Hadrianus IV who ordered Arnold of Brescia to be strangled and burned when he heard of the latter' s sermons 
of repentance. It should be remarked in passing that the popes had fixed sums paid them by the whore houses, which Paul I (1464-1471) 
had shaped into a permanent source of income. Sixtus IV drew 20,000 gold ducats yearly form the houses of pleasure. The clergy had to 
pay fixed taxes for their concubines, while the Vatican rewarded its officials with passes for the brothels. Sixtus IV even permitted 
pederasty for a fixed payment. Innocentius VIII had 16 children of his own to feed. Alexander VI, however, declared that the pope stood 
higher than the king, in the same way as man above the beasts. Therefore, he had a dozen bishops and cardinals, who appeared 
dangerous to him, murdered. For 300,000 gold ducats Pope Alexander VI deposed the Jhem, the Turkish pretender to the throne, and 
with a clear conscience calmly gathered in the money of the unbeliever, the sultan. In 1501 Alexander VI named his daughter Lucrezia 
for a time as his representative. 

Underlying the efforts of Otto I undoubtedly lay the idea of a German national church which seemed to have died out with the 
vanished Aryan Goths. For the same reason, he stipulated that the clergy be chosen from land owners, but this also caused him to 
subordinate himself to the papacy: the Romans had to swear not to elect a pope without the agreement of the Emperor. Otto III 
autocratically appointed two popes. Similarly Heinrich III purged the papacy. In the great dispute between Archbishop Willigris of 
Mainz against the antinational Roman centralism, all German bishops, because of their consciously open rejection, found themselves in 
opposition to the pope, who finally had to give way. One was freer then in Germany than in 1870 and 1930! 

However, the papacy received a great strengthening from the Clunyians who wished to create an international structure dependent 
only on the pope and above the state. This movement admittedly set as its goal a reform of the dissolute monastic system, but very soon 
showed its un Germanic spiritual outlook. The hitherto customary practices of penance against the sinful devilish flesh, upon which the 
Teutons had looked with laughter, were divested of their earlier clumsy form and transformed into a cunning martyrdom of the soul 
(forerunners, as it were, of Jesuitism). For stipulated parts of the Clunylan monasteries, strict commands of silence existed, every gaiety 
of mind was forbidden, and friendships not tolerated. Informing upon others was given the stamp of pious duty, and those found guilty 
had to undergo dishonouring punishments. This unnatural form of discipline clearly originates from that Ligurian eastern race which, 
before the immigration of the Nordics, settled southeast France among other places. This trampling down of the soul, this inward self 
emasculation and lust for subjugation under alien demons and magical powers, however, shows us the spirit of the Roman church as 
being in the closest, racially conditioned mutual alliance with all un Aryan blood and decomposed populations. It is therefore also no 
accident that the reforms of the Clunyians immediately gained a foothold in the eastern racial parts of Lorraine. Archbishop Aribo of 
Mainz at once made a stand against this spiritual sickness and supported the power conscious Konrad II. In the north the old blood 
stirred almost simultaneously: Bishop Adalbert von Wettin set a Germanic national church as his goal: the word Deutsch became 
universal usage for the first time; German monks of the Roman church sought for the still remaining, almost destroyed spiritual treasures 
of their people. 

The German emperor had lifted the pope out of a swamp, restored the church to honour, and ennobled its servants. Roman 
universalism, strengthened anew as a result, naturally utilised these forces and based itself — as usual — on proven forgeries in order to 
establish the rule of the papacy over the emperor as willed by god, and to set centralism against episcopalism. This struggle was carried 
on by every conceivable means: subjects were incited against the emperor, indeed the church ban was announced against unapostolic 
bishops. That was Rome's gratitude. 

The longevity of the papacy has been praised with particular emphasis by Roman historical writers as proof of its divine 
appointment. But anyone who knows that Rome has to thank the emperors first and foremost for its position of power, and solely the 

The Myth of the 20th Century 45 



inner greatness of devout aristocratic spirits like Francis of Assisi, Albertus Magnus and Meister Eckehart for its spiritual influence, will 
certainly have a different opinion about this. Besides, the permanence of an establishment is not a measure of its inner value. It is solely 
a question of the forces which have helped it to perpetuate itself. Egyptian culture was much older than the Roman church; the Mandarin 
can record more known ancestors than the pope; Lao Tse and Confucius lived two thousand five hundred years ago and are still 
dominant today. 

The German Roman Emperors only died out about a hundred years ago. The time approaches at which the pope will also become 
what he should be: the head of the Italian national church (the disputes between nationalistic Fascism and the Vatican will, it is to be 
hoped, hasten this). The papacy (irrespective of the fact that a number of really great men have also sat on the so called chair of Peter) 
had to build up its rule on the prerequisite of spiritual slavery and racial decomposition of the Germanically determined peoples. Out of 
the great free souls who even in the 1 1th to 14th centuries devoted themselves to Rome as an idea holy to them, the Vatican created 
weapons of servitude. Since the strengthening of Jesuitism, since the Tridentine council, Rome has remained under racially inferior 
influence and has become rigid. The unclean moral theory of Alfons the holy of Liguori on the one side, the dishonourable activity of 
Jesuitism on the other, has resulted in the fact that since the suffocating of Meister Eckehart' s religion, all really great European culture 
has sprung from an antichurch spirit, ranging from Dante (who in 1864 was still expressly damned by the papacy because, among other 
reasons, he had described Rome as a sewer) and Giotto to Copernicus and Luther; not to speak of German classical art and Nordic 
painting and music. Everything which a slavish mentality called love gathered under Rome, everything which strove for honour and 
freedom of soul, parted more and more consciously from the Roman spiritual world. 

The knights' order lost its importance in the 15th and 16th centuries. But the concept of honour which it cultivated had awoken in 
other sections of the people. The townsman commoner freed himself from the dominance of the castle, built his cities and churches, 
carried on commerce and trade, and joined together into powerful leagues, until finally the thirty years' war ended an entire culture. 

It is demonstrated by the Hansa that the Germanic concept of honour was embodied even in the merchant whenever the latter relied 
upon himself and could operate without oriental middlemen. Originally a modest merchants' league with the purpose of safeguarding 
trade, the Hansa later stretched its arms out far; it not only traded, but built, founded and colonised. The ruins of Novgorod and Wisby 
speak an equally loud language of moral power as the town halls of Bruges, Liibeck and Bremen. Over 75 cities formed a protective 
league which, according to its innermost nature, had the task of forming a centre of German power against imperial impotence. But 
before other similar ideas could take deeper root, the greatest catastrophe of German history intruded. And with the same consequences 
as had been shown by the Huguenot wars in France: the character of the German people was altered. If Germany at the beginning of the 
16th century, in spite of the weak imperial rule, possessed a proud peasantry and a prosperous burgher class, then thirty bloody years 
(which still did not satisfy Pope Innocentius X) exterminated the best blood of Germany, numerous hordes of alien race from foreign 
states destroyed the native stock, a whole generation grew up in the midst of robbery and murder. Bavaria alone recorded 5000 
abandoned farmsteads, hundreds of flourishing cities lay in ruins, nearly two thirds of the German people were annihilated. There no 
longer existed any art, any culture, any character. Dishonourable princes plundered a wretched people, and these subjects dully and 
stupidly allowed everything to happen to them. And yet despite all, Germanic blood stirred itself against the ruination from the 
Habsburgs and the French threat. The blood of the Lower Saxons which had once advanced to the Duna demonstrated resistance to total 
decline above and below. Like a promising cry the trumpets of Fehrbellin still resound in our ears today, and the voice of the great 
Elector with whose deeds Germany's recovery, salvation and rebirth, had their beginning. One may criticise Prussia however much one 
likes, but this decisive salvation of the Germanic substance remains forever its deed of renown; without it there would exist no German 
culture, in fact no real German people; at best millions defenceless to looting by neighbours lusting for booty and by the avaricious 
princes of the church. 

It is no accident of chance, if today in the midst of a terrible new fall into the abyss, the figure of Frederick the Great appears 
particularly invested with radiant glory, that in him there are concentrated — in spite also of his human sides — all those values of 
character for whose predominance the best Germans struggle hopefully today, namely, personal boldness, ruthless power of decision, 
consciousness of responsibility, penetrating cleverness, and an awareness of honour such as had never before been chosen with such 
mythic greatness as the guiding star of an entire life. 

How can a prince outlive his state, the fame of his people and his own honour? 

he asks of his sister on September 17, 1757. Misfortune will never make him cowardly, on the contrary: 

I will never accept disgrace. The honour which in war made me place my life at stake a hundred times, has allowed me to defy death 
as an event of lesser importance. 

He goes on to emphasise: 

One will not be able to say of me, that I have outlived the freedom of my Fatherland or the greatness of my house. 

If I had more than one life, I would sacrifice it for the Fatherland 

writes Frederick on August 16, 1759, after a terrible defeat. 

I do not think of fame, but of the state. 

My inalterable loyalty towards the Fatherland and honour allow me to undertake everything, although hope does not guide me, 

are his words a few days later. To Luise Dorothea von Gotha he also makes the avowal: 

Perhaps Prussia's hour of destiny has come, perhaps one will experience a new despotic emperorship. I do not know. But I vouch 
for the fact that it will only come to that after streams of blood have flowed and that I will not look upon my Fatherland in chains and at 
Germans in the most disgraceful slavery. 

And Frederick writes anew to d'Argens: 

You should know that it is not necessary that I live but certainly that I do my duty, 

and: 

Never will I experience the moment which would compel me to conclude a disadvantageous peace. 

The Myth of the 20th Century 46 



I will either allow myself to be buried under the ruins of my Fatherland or make an end to my life myself I have allowed 

myself to be guided by this inner voice and by the demands of honour and I also intend doing this in the future. 

If Frederick Wilhelm I was the symbol of civic honourableness and self limiting diplomacy, then Frederick II was the symbol of 
everything heroic which appeared forgotten and vanished in blood, dirt and misery. His life is the truest, greatest German history, and 
any German who attempts to falsify with malicious gloss the figure of Frederick must appear to us today as a most despicable rascal. 

But it was only a few whom he managed to influence. In spite of his great work for peace, the broad layers of the people were crude, 
without cultural tradition; the educated were decadent, foppish, un Prussian, un German. They only allowed the disciplining forms of 
Frederick to take effect upon them against their will and Frederick himself — to whose government Kant had dedicated his Critique of 
pure reason — found no intellectual independence within the Germans of his day compared with the French, so that his love for French 
literature also laid the way for the victory of the new French world of thought which in its version of love in the form of the teaching of 
humanitarianism, crippled the organic powers of Prussia which had still not awoken to full consciousness, and later made it incapable of 
resisting the armies of the French revolution. 

This new doctrine of humanitarianism was the religion of the freemasons. The latter has provided up to the present the spiritual 
foundations of an abstract universalistic culture, the starting point of all self seeking sermons promising bliss. It also gave (around 1740) 
the stamp to the political slogans of the last 150 years: liberty, equality and fraternity, and gave birth to chaotic, racially decomposing 
humane democracy. 

At the beginning of the 18th century men gathered at an assembly in London whose conflict with the former religion of love had led 
in many cases to their exile from people and Fatherland, and who in the midst of a dissolute time founded a league of mankind for the 
promotion of humanity and brotherhood. Since this league recognised only mankind, no racial or religious difference was made from the 
start. 

Masonry is a humanitarian league for the spreading of tolerant and humane principles, in the striving for which the Jew and Turk 
can have as great a share as a Christian. 

So ran the constitution set up in 1722. The idea of humanitarianism was to form the principle, the purpose and the substance of 
freemasonry. It is — according to the Freiburg ritual — more far reaching than all churches, states and schools, than all classes, peoples 
and nationalities; for it extends over the whole of mankind. The German lodge teaches us the same even today. The Roman church and 
the freemasonic antichurch are thus united in tearing down all barriers which have been erected by spiritual and physical forms. Both 
call upon their supporters in the name of love or humanity, in the name of a boundless universalism, except that the church demands 
complete subjection, subordination within its domain (which naturally is to be the entire earth), while the antichurch preaches an 
unrestricted destruction of frontiers, makes the suffering and joy of the individual man into the measure of its judgement, which must be 
regarded as the cause of the present situation, namely, that the material well being of the individual has become the highest good for 
democracy and receives the first place from it in the life of society. 

This disintegrating view of the world was and is the prerequisite for the political teaching of democracy and of the coercive dogma 
of the necessity of the free interplay of forces. Thus all the forces which work for the loosening of state, national and social bonds, 
necessarily made effort to render themselves of service to this philosophy of freemasonry, consequently also the league of mankind. 
Here we see international Jewry worming its way from instinct coupled with conscious reflection into the organisation of freemasonry. 
Admittedly, the racial essence in the league of mankind reacted just as defensively against the attempt by the church to exterminate 
Germanic nature, but it is nevertheless easily proved that, while Nordic man defended himself against Rome, the blind Hodur 
unwittingly gave him the death blow from behind. Freemasonry in Italy, France and England, became a political league of men, and led 
the democratic revolutions of the 19th century. Year by year its world outlook undermined the bases of all Germanic nature. Today we 
see the busy representatives of the international stock exchange and of world trade moving almost everywhere behind the leadership of 
the antichurch. All in the name of humanitarianism. The hypocrisy of the present day exploiters of humanity is without question more 
degrading than those attempts at slavery which in the name of Christian love have so often plunged Europe into unrest and chaos. 
Thanks to the preaching of humanitarianism and the doctrine of human equality, every Jew, negro and mulatto can become a citizen of 
equal rights in a European state; thanks to the humanitarian concern for the individual, there are hosts of luxury institutions for the 
incurably sick and insane in European states; thanks to humanitarianism, the confirmed criminal is regarded as merely an unfortunate 
without any concern for the interests of the people as a whole, is let loose again into society at the first opportunity, and not hindered in 
his capacity of reproduction. In the name of humanity and freedom of spirit the pornographic journalist and every dishonourable 
scoundrel is allowed to trade in every imaginable brothel literature; thanks to humanity negroes and Jews may marry into the Nordic 
race, indeed even occupy important offices. This humanitarianism, unconnected with any racial concept of honour, has among others, 
made the indescribably corrupt system of stock exchange swindling into a respected profession; indeed this organised band of criminals 
in frock coats and top hats today decides at world trade and expert conferences veritably autocratically over the fate of millions of 
hardworking people. 

In the wake of this freemasonic democracy swindle, the entire Marxist movement falsified the beginnings of a healthy protest by the 
workers, and controlled all social democratic parties in the service of the stock exchange with aid of Jewish finance, Jewish leaders and 
the Jewish, partly individualistic, partly universalistic, ideology. The industrial worker of the 19th century, cheated of his destiny, 
suddenly uprooted, robbed of all balanced judgement, fled to the alluring preachments of a proletarian international, believed that by 
class struggle, that is, by destruction of half his own body, he would be able to become free, intoxicated himself on the power attained, 
and poured over this the whitewash of humanism. Today this delusion has burst, and the Marxist leadership has been unmasked as 
perpetrating a frightful swindle of a hard struggling class. (See Alfred Rosenberg: International high-finance as the mistress of the 
workers' movement in all lands, Miinchen, 1925). 

The paradox both of democracy as well as of Marxist doctrine consists in that they both in actuality represent the most brutal, 
dishonourable materialistic view of the world and consciously foster all impulses which will aid decomposition, but at the same time 

The Myth of the 20th Century 47 



give assurances of their mercifulness, their love for the subjected and exploited. In a clever way the spiritual readiness for the sacrifice 
of the proletariat is called upon, to make the latter inwardly dependent on its leaders. We see in Marxism the idea of sacrifice and of love 
playing the same role as in the Roman catholic system. Blood and honour were likewise mocked and derided by the leaders of Marxism 
until, however, these indestructible ideas nevertheless revealed themselves in the workers. Today there is at last talk of proletarian 
honour. If this idea spreads, then everything is still not lost, for with the holding aloft of the idea of honour in general, the German 
working class will also know how to rid itself once and for all of its Marxist leadership. If this idea of class honour then takes shape into 
that of national honour, then German freedom will be secured as a result. But this is only possible when all the real workers of the 
German people form a front against all those who have sold themselves to trade, profit and the stock exchange, irrespective of whether 
this fact is covered with the cloak of democracy, Christianity, internationalism or humanitarianism. 

The spirit of Frederick the Great takes effect today on the German people like an unyielding natural force. Everything which 
rediscovered itself amidst the confusion of triumphing subhumanity, saw its highest striving embodied in the struggle for freedom 
conducted by old Fritz, as if a bronze pen has outlined Germanic nature in advance through all veils of time. But then, alongside this 
greatness, occurred the incomprehensible tragedy that the spiritual freedom possible to a great man became limited to small possessions, 
and his spirit which had striven to shape itself by a terrible but necessary discipline, was driven into the arms of French democracy 
brilliant with outward show. Napoleon encountered a Prussia given over to bewigged ostentation and outward show. The latter collapsed 
because it no longer thought in the manner of Frederick, but as pacifist liberalistic. 

We have fallen asleep on the laurels of Frederick the Great, 

wrote Queen Luise later to her father. But from this defeat there finally arose the idea of a united Germany; Prussia's honour 
became Germany's concern. Gneisenau and Bliicher, Scharnhorst and Jahn, Arndt and Stein, were all the embodiment of the old concept 
of honour. They have also expressed this all their life long, like Queen Luise herself, who wished to do everything to ease the lot of her 
people, except what went against her feeling of honour. 

We know all this, or should know, in the same way as the student bodies who unrolled their banners and climbed the barricades 
later, when weak and subservient spirit — those eternally unblessed consequences of the thirty years' war, still dominant today — had 
cheated Germany of its supreme efforts during the war of liberation, until the dream of Germans then apparently found fulfilment on the 
battlefields of Metz, Mars la Tour, Saint Privat and Sedan. For the Versailles of 1871 was a political agreement devoid of any mythical 
outlook on the world. The unconditionality of the great German idea which made Bliicher declare that if kings did not wish the elevation 
of their people, then they should be driven out; which occasioned Stein to put before the king of Prussia the choice of either signing the 
proclamation To my people, or going to Spandau; this unconditionality was lacking in the generation after 1871. The latter gave itself up 
to economics, to world trade, became freemasonic humanistic, became sated, forgot the task of enlarging its living space, and collapsed, 
disintegrated by democracy, Marxism and humanitarianism. Only today has the hour of rebirth come. 

The humility of the Christian church and freemasonic humanitarianism were two forms by which the idea of love was preached as 
the highest value to human groups which were to be directed from some ambitious centre of power. The fact that many teachers of 
Christian humility as well as liberal humanism had no such intention did not play any role at all; it is merely a question of how the value 
proclaimed was utilised. At the end of the 19th century the idea of love appeared in a third form which was presented to us by 
Bolshevism: in the Russian doctrine of suffering and sympathy, symbolised in the Dostoyevskian man. 

In his Diary, Dostoyevski speaks quite openly of an absolute, deeply rooted longing, among Russians, for suffering, for continual 
suffering; suffering in everything, even in enjoyment. On the basis of this, his characters act and live. Therefore in sympathy also lies the 

strongpoint of Russian morality. The people know that a criminal acts sinfully, but: There are unexpressed ideas the description of a 

criminal as an unfortunate must be included in these ideas which are inherent in the Russian people. This idea is a purely Russian one. 

Dostoyevski is the magnifying glass of the Russian soul; through his personality one can read the whole of Russia in its often 
incomprehensible diversity. In fact, the conclusions which he draws from his confession of belief are just as characteristic as his 
reflections when judging the condition of the Russian soul. He remarked that this idea of suffering is closely linked with traits of the 
impersonal and subjected. The Russian suicide, for example, has not the shadow of doubt that the self to be killed could be an immortal 
one. At the same time, he is not an atheist in any way. He has apparently heard nothing at all about this: Consider the earlier atheists: 
when they had lost faith in one thing, they immediately began to believe passionately in another. Consider the beliefs of Diderot, 

Voltaire Completely TABVLA RASA with ours; indeed, and why make mention of Voltaire here? There is simply a lack of money 

to keep a lover to himself, and nothing more. 

To find this recognition existing in a man who only wished to live to one day see his people happy and educated, is alarming and is 
made greater by Dostoyevski' s remark that in Russia there is no one who does not tell lies. In fact, the most honourable people of all can 
lie. First of all, because truth seems to bore a Russian; but secondly, because we are all ashamed of ourselves, and each makes efforts to 
unconditionally show himself as something other than he is. And despite all longing for knowledge and truth the Russian is nevertheless 
badly equipped. But here the reverse side of subjugation is revealed: unbounded arrogance. The Russian: 

Perhaps understands nothing at all about the questions which he undertakes to solve, but he does not feel ashamed and his 
conscience is calm. This lack of conscience gives proof of such an indifference in relation to self criticism, of such a lack of self respect, 
that one falls into despair and loses hope of the nation ever possessing anything independent or bringing salvation. 

Lieutenant Pirogow, in full uniform, is struck by a German on the street. After he has made sure that no one could have witnessed 
the incident, Pirogow flees into a side alley, in order as hero of the salon to make a proposal of marriage that same evening to an 
aristocratic lady. The latter knew nothing about the cowardice of her lover. Do you believe that she would have accepted him if she had 
known? Answer: She would have done so unconditionally. 

Several Russians are travelling in a railway train with Justus van Liebig, the great chemist who, however, is recognised by none of 
them. One of them who understands nothing about chemistry begins to talk with Liebig on this subject. He talks beautifully and at length 
until reaching his station when he takes his luggage and leaves the compartment proudly and enormously satisfied with himself. But the 

The Myth of the 20th Century 48 



other Russians never doubted for a moment that the charlatan had triumphed in the debate. 

Dostoyevski attributes this self abasement (linked with sudden arrogance) to the cultivation over two hundred years of a total lack of 
self reliance and to constant spitting into the Russian face during a similar period which brought the Russian conscience into 
catastrophic subjection. Today we are forced to make another judgement, that there is something unhealthy, sick, bastardised in Russian 
blood, which again and again frustrates all attempts to reach the heights. Psychologism is not the consequence of a strong spiritual life, 
but exactly the opposite, a sign of a crippling of soul. Just as a wounded man will again and again feel and look at his wound, so a man 
sick of soul will examine his inner conditions. In the Russian idea of suffering and subjection, the most powerful tension exists between 
the values of love and honour. In the entire west the idea of honour and freedom broke through again and again, in spite of burnings at 
the stake and papal interdicts. With the Russian man, such as he became almost a prophet around the turn of the 20th century — not the 
slightest role is played by honour as a formative power. Mitya Karamasov, who kicks and ill treats his father, abasing himself again 
afterwards, is not familiar with the idea, nor the brooding Ivan, nor Stara Sossima (one of the most beautiful figures of Russian 
literature), not to mention old Karamasov himself. Prince Myshkin plays the sick idiotic role of a man devoid of personality to 
conclusion with shattering power. Ragoshin is of dissolute passion, a European backbone is also lacking to him. Raskolnikov is inwardly 
unbalanced, Smerdyakov finally the concentration of everything slavish, devoid of upward longing. To the latter are joined all those 
gesticulating students and sick revolutionaries who talk with one another entire nights long, debate without knowing in the end about 
what they actually argued. These are allegories of a sick blood, of a poisoned soul. 

Once Turgenev looked around in Russia for a model of power and uprightness for the hero of a novel. He found no one suitable and 
chose a Bulgarian whom he called Insarov. Gorki descended to the dregs of society, described the tramp devoid of will, without faith, or 
at most only with such as glimmered like the glow of phosphorus in rotten wood. Andreyev created the man who received boxes on the 
ear, and as men they all confirm the bitter recognition by Shaadayev, that Russia belongs neither to the west nor to the east, that it is not 
governed by an organically strong tradition of its own. The Russian is a world exception in that he has not introduced a single new idea 
into the multitude produced by mankind, and everything which he has received of progress has been distorted by him. The Russian 
admittedly moves, but on a crooked line, which does not lead to any goal, and he is like a small child which cannot think correctly. 

As elaborated, this recognition also slumbered in Dostoyevski; the lack of personality consciousness had clearly been recognised by 
him. But the torment of longing to nevertheless present the world with something original sprang from his idea of universal mankind, 
which was apparently to be regarded as synonymous with Russia. It is Russia which has presented in its bosom the true image of Christ, 
with the ultimate destiny, when the peoples of the west have lost the way, of revealing a new path of salvation to them. Suffering, 
sorrowing mankind is a prophecy for the coming message of Russia. 

Today it is clear that Dostoyevski' s despairing attempt fundamentally resembles the behaviour of the Russian whom he had placed 
opposite to Justus von Liebig: a broken soul, devoid of personality, who arrogates to himself the position of conqueror of the world. 

Dostoyevski had success spiritually among all Europeans who had fallen into a tired weariness, with all bastards of the great city 
and — disregarding his anti Semitic outlook — with the Jewish literary world, which saw in his characters and in Tolstoy's barren 
pacifism a further welcome means for the disintegration of the west. The artistic power of Dostoyevski is not under debate here, but the 
characters as such, which he created, and the accompanying environment. From now on, everything which was sick, broken and decayed 
was held to be human. The humbled and persecuted became heroes, epileptics were represented as being problems of deep concern to 
mankind, as unassailable like the decaying holy beggars of the middle ages or Simon Stylites. By this the conception of Germanic man 
was transformed into its opposite. What the west regards as human is a hero like Achilles or the creative struggling Faust; human is a 
power like the untiring Leonardo; human is a struggle such as Richard Wagner and Frederick the Great embodied. A clearing out must 
be performed once and for all of this Russian disease of representing criminals as unfortunates, and rotten decayed men as symbols of 
humanity. Even the Indian, upon whom many Russians call (in a false way) accepts his fate as self guilt, as guilt from an earlier life. In 
whatever manner one interprets this Indian doctrine of the migration of souls, it is aristocratic, and once originated from a courageous 
heart. But Dostoyevskian lamentation about the power of darkness is the helpless stammering of a poisoned blood. This decayed blood 
created its highest value in the longing for suffering, in humility, universal human love, and became hostile to nature, as triumphant 
Rome once did, until Europe managed to a certain extent to shake off this ascetic Egyptian African masochism. 

It is ill fated that today ancient Greek love is described by the same word in so called Christian teaching, and Dostoyevski and 
Platon are even mentioned in the same breath. The Eros of Greece was a spiritual exuberance, linked always with creative feeling for 
Nature, and the divine Platon is a completely different figure from that presented to us by theologians and professors. From Homeros to 
Platon, nature and love have been one, just as the highest art in Hellas remained racially connected. But church love set itself up not only 
against all ideas of race and people, but it even went beyond this. Zeno the holy said in the fourth century A.D.: The greatest renown of 
Christian virtue is to trample with the feet upon Nature. The church has faithfully followed this dogma wherever it could assert it. The 
insulting of the body as unclean has lasted uninterrupted into our days, when nationalism and the racial idea are combated as pagan. The 
Imitation of Jesus — to attain which the devout rolled themselves in ashes, beat themselves with whips, went about in pus and sores, 
loaded themselves with iron chains, sat on a pillar for thirty years like Simon Stylites, or, like holy Thalelaeos, spent ten years clamped 
inside a wagon wheel, to pass the remainder of his life in a narrow cage — all this was a parallel to the abstract good of Sokrates, and to 
later Dostoyevskian man. 

It is not unnatural love, not an unrealisable community of the good and faithful, not a universal humanity with decomposed blood, 
which has always had a creative effect in culture and art, but, as in Hellas, fruitful Eros and racial beauty, in Germania honour and the 
dynamic of race. Whoever disregards these laws is incapable of showing the way to a strong future for the Germanic west. 

With Dostoyevski one can virtually touch with the hand his great holy will in its constant struggle with the forces of decline. While 
he praises Russian man as the signpost of the European future, he already sees Russia delivered up to demons. He knows in advance 
who will be master in the play of forces: Unemployed lawyers and insolent Jews. Kerensky and Trotsky are predicted. In the year 1917, 
Russian Man finally disintegrated. He fell into two parts. The Nordic Russian blood gave up the struggle, the eastern Mongolian, 

The Myth of the 20th Century 49 



powerfully stirred up, summoned Chinese and desert peoples to its aid, Jews and Armenians pushed forward to leadership, and the 
Kalmuch Tartar Lenin became master. The demonry of this blood directed itself instinctively against everything which outwardly still 
had some honest effect, looked manly and Nordic, like a living reproach against a type of man whom Lothrop Stoddard rightly described 
as the underman. Out of the impotent love of earlier grew an epileptic attack, carried through politically with all the energy of the insane. 
Smerdyakov ruled over Russia. Irrespective of in whatever way the Russian experiment may develop, Bolshevism as ruler has only been 
possible as the consequence of a racially and spiritually sick national body which could not decide in favour of honour, but only of 
bloodless love. Whoever desires a new Germany, will, as a result, also reject the Russian temptation from himself along with its Jewish 
manipulation. The turning away from the latter is already occurring. The future will record the results. 

When the world war broke out, the leading men of national outlook in Germany, who were afflicted with sickness, did not recognise 
destiny as consisting either in the honour and freedom of the people or in love, but in trade. This poisoning necessarily led to a crisis, to 
a bursting of the swollen pus. This occurred on November 9, 1918. The ensuing times proved that all the old parties and their leaders 
were rotten, useless for a new structure of our state. They were forced to talk of the people and yet thought only of economics; they 
spoke of the unity of the Reich and yet thought of profits; they carried on Christian politics and diligently feathered their own nests. The 
spiritual and political situation of our times is therefore the following: 

The old Syrian Jewish eastern church system has dethroned itself: starting from a dogma which did not correspond to the laws of 
spiritual structure of the Nordic west, in the effort to push to one side the culture carrying and creating ideas of the Nordic race — honour, 
freedom and duty — or to become evangelistic, this process of poisoning has led many times to the gravest disasters. Today we recognise 
that the highest central values of the Roman and protestant churches, as a negative form of Christianity, do not correspond to our soul, 
that they stand in the way of the organic powers of the peoples determined by the Nordic race, that they have to make way for the latter, 
must allow themselves to be revalued in the sense of a Germanic Christianity. This is the meaning of the present search after religious 
truth. 

The old nationalism is dead. Once, in 1813, it flared up, but since then it has more and more forfeited its unconditional nature; it 
became poisoned by bureaucratic dynasticism, industrial politics, stock exchange profit economy, typified, thanks to humanitarian 
stupidity, in the idealless townsman of the nineteenth century, and finally collapsed on November 9, 1918, when its supporters and 
representatives ran away before a few hordes of deserters and jail birds. 

Chapter III. Mysticism and Action 

The concept of honour, with its diverse ties in the earth, can be found embodied in the lives of the Nordic Viking, the Teutonic 
knight,the Prussian officer, the Baltic Hansa, the German soldier, and the German peasant. Together with inner freedom it is the most 
important life shaping law. This motif of honour appears as the spiritual base in poetic art, from the ancient epics onward, from Walther 
von der Vogelweide and the knight's songs to Kleist and Goethe. But there is still another fine branch on which we can follow the 
working of Nordic honour, and that is in the German mystic. 

The mystic releases himself more and more from the entanglements of the material world. He recognises that the impulsive aspects 
of our existence, such as pleasure and power, or even so called good works, are not essential for the welfare of the soul. The more he 
overcomes earthly bonds, all the greater, richer and more godlike does he feel himself inwardly become. He discovers a purely spiritual 
power and feels that his soul represents a centre of strength to which nothing can be compared. Such freedom and serenity of soul 
toward everything, even in the face of god, reveals the profoundest depths into which we can follow the Nordic concepts of honour and 
freedom. It is that mighty fortress of the soul, that spark of which Meister Eckehart speaks again and again with awed admiration; it 
represents the most inward, the most sensitive and yet the strongest essence of our race and culture. Eckehart does not give this 
innermost essence a name, since the pure subject of perceiving and willing must be nameless, without essence, and separated from all 
forms of time and space. However, today we may venture to describe this spark as representing the metaphysical allegory of the ideas of 
honour and freedom. In the last analysis, honour and freedom are not external qualities but spiritual essences independent of time and 
space forming the fortress from which the real will and reason undertake their sorties into the world. 

Before it could fully blossom, the joyous message of German mysticism was strangled by the anti European church with all the 
means in its power. Nevertheless, the message has never died. The great sin of protestantism has been that instead of listening to the 
former, it made the so called old testament into a folkish book, and interpreted the Jewish texts literally. The present period of renewed 
spiritual readiness will either listen to the message of German mysticism, or end up under the feet of the old forces before it has had time 
to unfold, like many past attempts at a transformation from Roman Jewish poisoning. A will, as hard as steel, must today be joined to 
that illuminated mind and elevated spirit which Meister Eckehart demanded of his followers, and which is courageous enough to draw 
all proper conclusions from its avowal: If you wish to have the kernel, then you must break the shell. 

It has been six hundred years since the greatest apostle of the Nordic west gave us our religion, devoting a full life to ridding our 
being and becoming of poison: to overcoming the Syrian dogma that enslaves body and soul, and which awakens the god within our 
own bosom; the kingdom of heaven within us. 

In the search for a new spiritual link with the past, there are those among the present day movement for renewal in Germany who 
wish to go back to the Edda and the cycle of Germanic ideas related to it. It is thanks to them that, alongside that which is purely 
fabulous, the inner richness of our sagas and folkish tales has again become visible from under the rubble and ashes left by the fires of 
the stake. But, in pursuing this longing to find inner substance with past generations and their religious allegories, the German faith 
overlooks that Wotan (Wodan, Odin) is dead as a religious form. He did not die at the hands of Bonifacius, but of himself. He completed 
the decline of the gods during a mythological epoch, a time of serene nature. His fall was already foreseen in the Nordic poems, 
although hopes were expressed for the coming of the strong one from above, in presentment of the unavoidable twilight of the gods. In 
place of this, however, to the misfortune of Europe, the Syrian Jehovah appeared in the shape of his representative: the Etruscan Roman 

The Myth of the 20th Century 50 



pope. Odin was and is dead; but the German mystic discovered the strong one from above in his own soul. The Valhalla of the gods 
descended from misty infinity into the breasts of men. The discovery and preaching of the indestructible freedom of soul was an act of 
salvation which has protected us up to the present against all attempts at strangulation. The religious history of the west is therefore 
almost exclusively the history of interdenominational upheavals. True religion within the church only existed insofar as the Nordic soul 
could not be hindered from unfolding (as for instance with saint Francis and brother Angelico) when its echo in western man was too 
powerful. 

The reborn German man appeared on the scene for the first time consciously in the German mystic, even if in the garb of his day. 
The spiritual birth of our culture was not perfected at the time of the so called Renaissance or during the reformation — the latter period 
was more one of outward collapse and desperate struggles — but in the 13th and 14th centuries, when the idea of the spiritual personality 
became for the first time the supporting idea of our history, religion and philosophy of life. In this period the essence of our later critical 
philosophy was also consciously anticipated. In addition, the eternal, metaphysical creed of the Nordic west proclaimed that which had 
effect on the souls of many ensuing generations but could not generally manifest itself until the time was ripe. 

More than three hundred years had to pass until the name of Christ signified anything for the peoples of the Mediterranean; about a 
thousand had to pass until the entire west was permeated by it. Confucius died, mourned only by a few; his worship began three hundred 
years after his death. Five hundred years passed before the first temple was built to him. Today, prayers are uttered to Confucius as the 
perfected holy one. Six hundred years also had to pass over the grave of Meister Eckehart before the German soul could understand him. 
But, today, a revelation seems to spread through the people like the light of dawn, as if the time had come for the apostle of the German, 
the holy and blessed master. 

Every creature pursues its life with an aim even if it be unknown to it. The human soul also has a destiny, that is, to arrive at a pure 
knowledge of itself and a consciousness of god. But this soul is scattered and spread out in the world of the senses, of space and time. 
The senses are active in it and weaken — at first — the power of spiritual concentration. The precondition of inner workings is, therefore, 
the withdrawal of all exterior powers, the extinguishing of all images and allegories. These inner workings are meant to draw heaven to 
oneself, as Jesus is said to have testified and demanded of the powerful of soul. This attempt by the mystic thus demands the exclusion 
of the world as idea, in order to become, where possible, conscious, as pure subject, of the metaphysical essence which lives within us. 
Since this is not completely possible, the idea of god is created as a new object of this soul in order ultimately to announce the identical 
value of soul and god. 

However, this act is only possible under the prerequisite of spiritual freedom from all dogmas, churches and popes. Meister 
Eckehart, the Dominican priest, does not shy away from joyfully and openly proclaiming this fundamental creed of every truly Aryan 
nature. During the course of a long life, he speaks about the light of the soul as being without origin and uncreated, and preaches that 
god has placed the soul in free self determination, so that he wishes nothing of it beyond its free will nor expects of it what it does not 
wish. He goes on to oppose the dogma of conformist faith by declaring that there are three things which prove the nobility of the soul. 
The first relates to the glory of the creature (of heaven); the second, mighty strength; and third, the fruitfulness of its works. Before each 
going forth into the world, the soul must have been conscious of its own beauty. The inward work of gaining the kingdom of heaven, 
however, can only be perfected through freedom. 

Your soul will bear no fruit until you have accomplished your task, and neither god nor yourself will abandon these if you have 
brought yours into the world. Otherwise, you will have no peace, and you will bear no fruit. And even then, it is still disquieting enough 
because it is born of a soul which is bound to the outside world, and whose tasks are controlled, not from a soul born in freedom. 

If the question arises why god became man at all, then the heretical Eckehart does not answer: In order that we wretched sinners can 
record a superfluity of good works. But he says: 

I answer that it is for the reason that god might be born in the soul upon which a joyous credo follows: The soul in which god is 

to be born, must have forsaken time and time have forsaken it, must fly upward and stand completely strong in the kingdom of god; that 
is width and breadth, yet which is neither wide nor broad. There the soul recognises all things and recognises them in their completeness. 
Whatever the masters write about how wide heaven is, I say on the contrary that the smallest power which there is in my soul, is wider 
than all the expense of heaven! 

The current exposition of mysticism repeatedly emphasises only the giving up of self, the throwing away of oneself to god, and sees 
in this abandonment of the essence of mystical experience. This viewpoint is understandable when one knows it arises from the late 
mysticism falsified by Rome and that it originates from the seemingly ineradicable assumption that self and god are different in essence. 
But whoever has understood Eckehart will have no difficulty in establishing that his abandonment is in reality the highest self 
consciousness which cannot, however, be recognised in this world other than through an antithesis in time and space. The doctrine of 
freedom of the soul is one of freedom from god. The doctrine of detachment signifies the utter rejection of the old testament and its 
ideas, along with the sickly sweet pseudomysticism of later times. 

These words about the capacity of the soul for unlimited expansion are true mystical experience. Simultaneously, they signify the 
philosophical recognition of the ideality of space, time and causality which Eckehart also asserts in other passages, proving and teaching 
in even more beautiful language than Kant (who was heavily burdened with natural science and philosophical scholasticism) was able to 
do four hundred years later. 

Heaven is pure and of untroubled clarity; it is touched neither by time nor space. Nothing corporeal has its place therein, and it is 
also not included in time; its transmutation occurs with incredible quickness. Its course is itself timeless, but from its course comes time. 
Nothing hinders the soul so much in knowing god, as time and space. Thus, if the soul is to perceive god at all, then it perceives him 

beyond and above space If the eye is to observe colour, then it must first be divested of all colours. If the soul is to see god, then it 

must have nothing in common with nothingness. God, as the positive expression of religious man, is in the philosophical term the thing 
in itself. 

It is grasped with the deepest reflection, not only as distinct from impulse and image (as a result of which all nature symbolism is 

The Myth of the 20th Century 5 1 



destroyed). In another passage Eckehart says: 

Everything which has existence in time and space does not belong to god the soul is complete and indivisible simultaneously in 

foot and in eye and in every limb The ever present now in which god has made the world, the now in which I speak at this moment, 

is exactly as close as yesterday. And even the day of judgement is exactly as close to him in eternity as yesterday. 

A free spirit like Eckehart must necessarily draw the conclusion — hostile to the church teaching — that death is not the wages of sin, 
as theologians who aim to put us in fear assert, but a natural and fundamentally unimportant event by which our eternal being — which 
was before and will be afterwards — is in no way touched. With a splendid gesture Eckehart calls to the world: 

I am my own self's cause, according to my eternal and temporal nature. Only on this account am I born. According to my eternal 
manner of birth I have been here from eternity and am and will remain eternally. Only what I am as a temporal creature will die and 
become nothing for it belongs to the day, therefore it must, like time, vanish. In my birth all things were also born, I was simultaneously 
my own and all things' cause. And if I wished neither I nor anything else would be. And if I were not, neither would god be. 

And boldly he adds: 

That one understand this, is not demanded. 

Never before, not even in India, has there been such a consciously aristocratic spiritual creed that can be compared to that which 
Eckehart laid down. Yet he was fully aware that he would not be understood by the age in which he lived. Each of his words was an 
affront to the Roman church. His words were perceived as such. As the most celebrated preacher in Germany, he was dragged before the 
inquisition. The church, fearing his followers, could not do away with him as it did with other, lesser heretics. But when Eckehart was 
dead, the church was again able to preach its infallible anathema over even the profoundest German soul. But his teachings have lasted 
and have exercised a profound influence over the German soul and in German history. 

From the unerring consciousness of the freedom of a noble man and of a noble soul, there results a condemnation of so called good 
works. These are no magical expedients such as Rome teaches, no credit which is booked with Jehovah, but merely a means of binding 
the impulsive world of the senses. A rein, so Eckehart teaches, must be laid upon the outer man to prevent him running away from 
himself. A man should perform devout exercises, not merely to do something good for himself but because he honours truth. If a man 
finds himself given up to true inwardness, preaches the German apostle, then he boldly lets all outwardness fall, even if it be exercises to 
which he might have bound himself by oath, from which neither pope nor bishop could grant release! For no one can take from him an 
oath which has been made to god. To my knowledge this is the only passage in which Eckehart openly speaks aggressively of the pope. 
But it shows his complete and self reliant rejection of the fundamental laws of the Roman church. 

This human greatness, uplifting all things, finds its hostile counterpart in priestly arrogance. One of the greatest orators of the 13th 
century, the lay brother Berthold von Regensburg, in other respects an interesting man, taught that if he saw the virgin Mary alongside 
the heavenly hosts and a priest also present, then he would fall down before the latter rather than the former. If a priest came to where 

my dear lady holy Mary and all the heavenly host sat, they would all stand up before the priest Further: Whoever truly receives 

dedication as a priest, has a power reaching so far and wide that emperor and king never possessed such great power Whoever makes 

himself subject to the power of the priest — even if he has committed a great sin — then the priest has the power to at once close hell to 
him and to open up heaven 

What is this but the most utter Syrian sorcery in which we have been enveloped? 

According to Eckehart the noble soul of a man turned toward the eternal is the representative of god upon earth, not the church, 
bishop or pope. No one here on earth possesses the right to bind or release me — even less the right to do this as god' s representative. 
These words which every devout man of the Aryan family of peoples could proclaim as his own creed are naturally born of a completely 
different substance than the medicine man philosophy which Rome has fabricated for its own use, and whose dogmas all follow only the 
one aim of making mankind dependent on the Roman priest caste and to root out any nobility of soul. In his sermon on the first epistle of 
John IV, 9, Eckehart says: 

I assert decisively that as long as you do your works for the sake of heaven, of god or for your own blessedness, thus outwardly, 

then you are not really on the right path Whoever imagines that by contemplation, devotion, ecstatic feelings and gross flattery he 

has more of god than at the fireside or in the cow stall, does the same thing as one who takes god and wraps a cloak around his head and 
pushes him under a bench. If one asked an honest man who works on a firm foundation: Why are you performing your works? Then he 
would merely say, if he spoke properly: I perform them to have effect! 

The teaching of the righteousness of works is regarded by Eckehart as a veritable whispering in the ear by the devil and, as far as 
prayer is concerned, he makes a popular appeal: 

The people often say to me: Pray to god for us! Whereupon I think to myself: Why do you even go out? Why do you not remain 
with yourself and reach down into your own treasure? In fact you carry all reality within you according to your nature. So that we must 
thus remain in ourselves — as the creatures we are — and possess all reality of our own, without mediation and diversity in real 
blessedness, and may god help us to do this. 

Eckehart is thus a priest who would like to see the priesthood abolished; who would like to adjust his entire activity solely towards 
liberating the way for the man who seeks; who is regarded by him as essentially an equal and of equal birth; who will not enslave the 
soul by persuading it to eternal dependency upon pope and church, but who wishes to bring its slumbering beauty, its nobility and its 
freedom into consciousness, that is, wishes to awaken its awareness of honour. For, in the last analysis, honour is nothing other than the 
free, beautiful and noble soul. 

This same striving to elevate man is perceptible when Eckehart rejects the doctrine of human weakness: 

Therefore man can certainly imitate our lord, according to the measure of his weakness and needs, and indeed, may not believe he 
cannot attain this. 

Once more, man is elevated, not denigrated, while Eckehart mockingly rejects those who claim to be justified by works: 

And, especially, avoid all peculiarity, whether it be in the clothing, in food, speech, use of impressive words or extravagant gestures, 

The Myth of the 20th Century 52 



with which indeed nothing creative is achieved. 

There then follows the clearest assertion of the right of the true personality: 

However, you must know that in no way is everything special forbidden to you. There is much that is strange which one must often 
retain and among many peoples. For whoever is a special man, must also do something special, at many times in diverse manner. 

In which respect, no exception is made for authority and priesthood (which is allegedly untouchable even if the holder of the rank is 
a criminal). Each is to be measured solely by the greatness of his individual soul. Once again we experience the consciously anti Roman, 
consciously Germanic withdrawal inward. Jesus once caused a sick man to arise on the sabbath and take up his bed, whereupon the 
pious of the land raised a great outcry. But Jesus answered with superior contempt that the sabbath was there for the sake of man, not 
man for the sake of the sabbath; consequently, man was also master over the sabbath. The imitators of the Jerusalem Pharisees have also 
kept to the strict observance of all devout practices, ignoring the fact that the essence of man was a determining factor. Eckehart says to 
them: 

Believe me: it is also a part of perfection that a man exalts himself in his works, so that all his works form one whole. This must 
happen in the kingdom of god where man is god. There all things will respond to him in a godly manner, there, also, a man is master of 
all his works. 

This relationship to outward action is more than unequivocal. But, equally clear, is Eckehart' s rejection of all those virtues which 
are held to have a basis in mysticism. Nothing is more characteristic of Eckehart' s outlook than the interpretation which he gives to 
Christ's words about Martha and Mary: 

Everything finite is only a means. The unavoidable means, without which I cannot reach to god, is my work and my creativity in the 
here and now. Such things do not influence us at all to be concerned for our eternal salvation. 

Here is a characteristic withdrawal by German man from the Indian creed of the Atman Brahman doctrine; deeds are unimportant 
although they are not to be disposed as such. Mary sitting at Jesus' s feet appears to Eckehart as the pupil. Martha, on the other hand, is 
the superior: 

Martha feared that her sister would remain rooted in ecstasy and beautiful feelings, and wished that she might become like herself. 

Then Christ answered as follows: 

Be content, Martha! She has also chosen the best part which may never be taken from her! This extravagance will soon quiet down. 

As one sees, Eckehart' s disinclination toward everything sweet and fluid even goes so far as to give an opposite meaning to the clear 
sense of Jesus's words. 

With unmistakable irony, Eckehart speaks to the female heretics surrounding him — the Beguines (as the apostates were then called): 

But now our good people desire to be perfect in such degree that no kind of love can move us any longer, and we are left untouched 

by love as by sorrow. They do themselves injustice! I assert that the saint is still to be born who cannot be moved even Christ did not 

achieve this, as is proved by his words: My soul is sad unto death. Such words caused Christ woe and that was because of his inborn 

nobility and the holy union of divine and human nature. 

He adds: 

Now certain people even wish to bring matters to such a pass, that they may be rid of works. I say that this is not important! This we 
also find evidenced in Christ, from the first moment onward, when god became man and man god, then he also began to work for our 
blessedness there was no part of his body which was without its special share in this. 

What was the reason that Eckehart preached this antichurch doctrine? It was to allow spiritual freedom to prevail. That is, the 
highest good which Eckehart, and with him Nordic western man, recognises. He expresses this in the following manner: 

God is not a destroyer of any kind of works, but a perfecter. God is not a destroyer of nature but its perfecter. If god had destroyed 
nature even before the beginning, then violence and injustice would have been done to it. He did no such thing! Man has a free will with 
which he can choose good and evil. God places the choice before him: of evildoing which brings death, of right doing which brings life. 
Man must be free and a master of all his works, undestroyed and unconstrained. 

In these words the eternal, mutually fruitful polarity of nature and freedom have been recognised and expressed in a splendid way. 
Swept aside with the hand of a religious and philosophic genius, conscious of our intrinsic racial structure, is the barren Phariseeism, the 
torturing oriental priestly justification by works. The sacred union of god and nature is the primal ground of our being, represented in 
freedom of the soul, crowned by the fruitfulness of its works. And the driving power behind all is — the will. 

According to the new testament, the angel Gabriel came to Mary. But Eckehart smilingly says: 

Actually, he was no more called Gabriel than he was a messenger, for Gabriel means power. God was active in this birth and is still 
active as power. 

With this the dynamic of Eckehart' s soul is also revealed in the clearest light. 

The freedom of Eckehart' s soul necessarily prompts another evolution, not only of life and of works, but also of the highest ideals of 
the Roman church, of traditional Christianity in general, and thus of the entire revealed world, then and now. 

If one recognises the noble soul as the highest value, as the axis upon which everything is suspended, then the ideas of love, 
humility, mercy, pity, and so on, form a second and third stage. Here also Eckehart does not shy away from hearing the voice of the little 
spark, from speaking freely what his soul says to him. Naturally, it does not need to be particularly emphasised that he does not 
disparage love, humility or mercy. On the contrary, we find in his sermons the most beautiful words about these ideas, though he detests 
the sweet ecstasy of undisciplined lovely feelings; in short, the lack of spiritual control. His doctrine of love is the representation of love 
as the power which knows itself to be identical with that divine power for whose victory it fights. Love must break through things, for 
only a spirit which has become free, compels god to itself. One must consider what it meant for a Dominican, prior to the beginning of 
the 14th century, to undertake in the face of an intolerant world ruling church, a transvaluation of the values heretofore held to be the 
highest. Indeed, it was risky to even attempt to communicate a new supreme, positive value to the simple believer. He dared not attack 
Rome openly; rather, he had to speak in terms of a positive, metaphorical representation of spiritual experience. Bearing this in mind, 

The Myth of the 20th Century 53 



one should read Eckehart's sermon on the loneliness of the soul, which is perhaps the most beautiful statement ever made of the 
awareness of the Germanic essence. 

In this, Eckehart deals with the highest values of the Christian church — love, humility and mercy — finds that, in loftiness, depth and 
greatness, they must give way to a soul which is completely detached. He rejects Paul's glorification of love in particular, for the best 
thing about love is its impulsion to love god. But it is far more important that we impel god to us, rather than impelling ourselves toward 
god. Only in this way can our soul become one with god. Therefore, god cannot avoid giving himself to a lonely heart. Furthermore, the 
sorrows of this world in pursuing possessive love still relate to the creature which is not the case with mystical detachment. This lessens 
the compulsion of the world and brings us nearer to god. Eckehart is concerned that the virtue of humility might cause a lowering of 
man's self esteem. Such a posture of humility might cause man to lower his self respect. Man's possession of a sense of inner worth is 
most important. Man must become detached from material concerns. 

Perfect detachment knows no looking down to the creature, no bending of self, and no elevation of self. It will be neither under nor 
over. It strives neither for equality nor for inequality with any other kind of creature; it does not wish this or that; it wishes only to be 
one with itself. 

The autocratic soul has nowhere expressed itself so sharply and clearly as here. It is the necessary rhythmic countermovement after 
the recognition of the fruitful work, that which Goethe later praised as the highest of all gospels: Regard for oneself. 

Compassion, according to Eckehart, is nothing other than a giving of oneself. It is, for the same reason, not to be valued as highly as 
detachment. And because god's essence is also detached from all names, it follows that nothing of lower order can approach him. Here, 
Eckehart sets a limit to the importance of prayer invested with so much magic. 

I maintain that prayers and good works are of little value to man, so great is god's detachment from man. Therefore, god is no more 
inclined toward man, than if the prayer or good work had never been performed. 

This is more than clear. He completely rejects any intercession based on or approximating magic. He rejects the idea of the church 
which alone can bring bliss. And then in conclusion there follows a popular creed: 

Keep yourself apart from all men, remain untroubled by all outward impressions, make yourself free of all which could give to your 

essence an alien addition and direct your mind at all times to holy contemplation; with which you bear god in your heart, as the 

object, from which your eyes never waiver. 

This calm, detached greatness of soul, then, expresses itself in the criticism of the Roman and later, protestant, doctrine. 

In this world of appearances, a spiritual strengthening as a result of inward concentration cannot be imagined by us otherwise than 
as a gift of the eternal essence of god. Against this background, Paulinism — and with it all Christian churches — has built up the doctrine 
of grace as highest mystery of Christianity. The Jewish representation of the slave of god, one who receives mercy from an arbitrary, 
absolutist god, has thus passed over to Rome and Wittenberg, and can be attributed to Paul. He is the actual creator of this doctrine. It 
can truly be said that our churches are not Christian but Pauline. Jesus unquestionably praised one being with god. This was his 
redemption, his goal. He did not preach a condescending granting of mercy from an almighty being in the face of which even the 
greatest human soul represented a pure nothingness. This doctrine of mercy is naturally very welcome to every church. With such 
misinterpretation the church and its leaders appear as the representatives of god. Consequently, they could acquire power by granting 
mercy through their magic hands. A genius like Eckehart had to adopt a position completely different from the concept of compassion. 
He also finds beautiful words about love and mercy of god: Where compassion is in a soul, then this soul is pure and godlike and god 
related. Eckehart's man achieves the fullness of the soul rather than submitting to the depths of subjugation. Man seeks to move inward 
and to adhere to, and be one with god. That is true mercy, compassion. This compassion is probably not possible through philosophies 
that teach only god's universal power and our nothingness. Such is the case with our churches. The truth, on the contrary, is that man's 
soul is like unto the spirit of god. Eckehart here refers to Augustinus's Confessions — works well known to Eckehart — whose teachings 
about the soul nevertheless led to a complete spiritual breakdown. Augustinus demands the death penalty for heretics. Augustinus's City 
of god was written to produce a spiritual slavery in man. But Eckehart assumes a different state of man's soul: If it did not possess this 
greatness, then it could not become god even through grace. Here, again, we find the characteristic position of the superior Nordic man 
in developing his thoughts on the basis of clear, spiritual instinct (Eckehart of Hocheim was of Thuringian nobility) in the face of the 
assertions of the dissolute, slavish, bastardised Augustinus. By partaking in the lasting vitality of god the soul is elevated to ever higher 
light: 

Then every power of soul becomes the copy of one of the divine persons; the will is the copy of the holy spirit, the perceptive power 
that of the son, the memory that of the father. Its nature becomes the likeness of nature. And yet the soul remains indivisibly one. That is 
the ultimate knowledge in this matter of which my self recognition renders me capable. 

The supreme avowal then follows: 

Now hear, as to how far the soul becomes god, even above grace and mercy! What god had in fact provided you shall not change 
again, for it has attained a higher position where it no longer has need of grace. 

One should compare this splendid aristocratic creed with the touchingly struggling, yet half African, Augustinus, in his assertions 
about the morality of man and his perpetual sinfulness. 

Thoughts are openly expressed here by Eckehart which even Luther — whose ideas were still inhibited by his education under the 
representative of Christ — still did not dare to think. From this attitude to the idea of grace, there also results with Eckehart a totally 
different estimation of sin and repentance. 

Sin is no longer a sin once we repent, are the words with which Meister Eckehart begins his sermon On the blessings of sin. These 
are words which lead him miles away from the contrition usually demanded. Naturally, we ought not to sin, but even if the individual 
action has been directed against god, then the great and splendid god nevertheless knows how the best is to be gained from such an 
action. Thus god does not add up the past in an accounts books, for god is a god of the present. Eckehart takes another step away from 
the historical materialism of our churches. Only later did Paul de Lagarde dare to speak so openly as once did this Dominican prior from 

The Myth of the 20th Century 54 



the 14th century. For this reason Lagarde was condemned by the protestant priests as Eckehart once was by the Roman. 

Eckehart distinguishes two types of repentance: That which is of the senses, and that which is godly. The first — which the church 
clearly understood — remains rooted in misery and does not move from the spot. It thus signifies only unfruitful lamentation; nothing 
comes of it. Things are otherwise with divine repentance: As soon as inner disapproval arises in a man, he at once elevates himself to 
god and sets himself with unshakeable will armed securely against every sin. Thus, here, the direction upward is stressed anew and 
everything evaluated only according to whether it made the soul creative; elevated or not: But whoever may really have come into the 
will of god, will not wish that the sin into which he had fallen might not have existed. This is the same as Goethe asserted when he 
declared that a human teacher would also appreciate error: What is fruitful, alone is true. 

Seen from Meister Eckehart' s standpoint, that is, from the perspective of one who is detached, godlike, free, beautiful, and has a 
noble soul, all the traditional highest church values appear to be of a second and third rank. Love, humility, compassion, prayer, good 
works, mercy, repentance — all these are good and useful but only under the one condition that they strengthen the power of the soul, 
elevate it, make it become more like god. If they do not, then all these virtues become useless, even harmful. 

The freedom of soul is a value in itself. Church values merely signify something in relation to a moment outside them, be it god, 
soul, or the creature. The nobility of the self reliant soul is the highest of all values. Man must serve the cause of the noble soul alone. 
We of the present day call it the deepest metaphysical root — this idea of honour — which is likewise an idea in itself, without any 
relationship to any other value. The idea of freedom is inconceivable without honour just as honour is without freedom. The soul is 
capable of good in and of itself, even without any relationship to god. Eckehart teaches that the soul is released from all else insofar as 
this release can be expressed in words at all. As a result, Meister Eckehart shows himself, not as an ecstatic enthusiast, but as the creator 
of a new religion — our religion — released from that injected alien spirit of Syria, Egypt and Rome. 

Eckehart not only provided us with the highest religious and moral value, but as already alluded to, he anticipated from a critical 
philosophical perspective all the important discoveries made by Kant's Critique of pure reason, even if he did not become enmeshed in 
hair splitting arguments. Eckehart discovers three powers by which the soul reaches into the world: 

the will which turns towards the object; 

reason, which perceives and then orders what is grasped; and 

memory, which preserves what is experienced and witnessed. 

These three powers are, so to speak, the counterpart of the holy trinity. A whole series of the profoundest discussions are devoted to 
the theme of reason and will. Both are spiritually free and always dependent upon the mood and occasion during his sermons over many 
decades. 

Reason perceives all things, but it is the will, Eckehart comments, which can do all things. 

Thus where reason can go no further, the superior will flies upward into the light and into the power of faith. Then the will wishes to 
be above all perception. That is its highest achievement. On the other hand, reason, which separates, orders and places, then so perceives 
that it nevertheless gives the will its first real upward flight. In this respect, reason stands above the will. The will is free: god does not 
force the will, he sets it free; so that it wishes nothing other than what is god and freedom itself! Then the spirit can wish nothing other 
than what god wishes. This is not bondage, but rather a peculiar kind of freedom. 

Eckehart then quotes Christ's words: 

He has not wished to make us into servants, but to call us friends. For a servant knows not what his master wishes. 

This new and constantly repeated emphasis on the idea of freedom is not, however, always matched by experience. Eckehart says: 

This is my complaint: This experience is something so profound but also so common, that you may not buy it for a penny or a half 
penny. Solely, you must have a proper mode of seeking and a free will, then it will immediately become yours. 

This is identical to Kant's teaching concerning the conflict between idea and experience in both the theoretical and practical aspects. 
At the same time, Eckehart mocks many priests who are highly praised yet wish to be great priests. Kant spoke likewise about the 
schoolmasters, those philosophers who only repeat thousand year old gossip. 

Briefly put, everything that this soul may somehow bring forth must be summarised in the simple unity of the will. The will must be 
impelled toward the highest good, and then adhere to it unmoved. Properly regarded, the idea of love has a place in Eckehart' s spiritual 
perceptively critical work. It does not serve the ecstatic power of the imagination, nor does it bring sweet feelings or sexual psychic 
ecstasy. These perceptions are lies which the church has spread by its cunning use of hypnosis. They impede the progress of the freely 
creative will which ought to be dominant in the finest sense. Whoever has more will, has also real love, states Eckehart. This represents 
the opposite of the teachings of the Roman clergy and of the present day, increasingly rigid, protestant churches which would like to 
exterminate the personal will in order to then place love above will. 

Eckehart was conscious of his unique position. Witness his words: 

In the best sense, love falls completely and totally into the will But there is a second effect of love, which is perceived by an 

inner eye as jubilant devotion. But that is in no way the best for it does not originate out of love of god, but from mere 

naturalness. 

From a love subordinate to the free will there awakens the true concept of loyalty. It brings, perhaps, no longer the feelings and 
experiences and rapture as the faithfulness of the servant, but it is only true when it is paired with a strong will. 

We must elevate ourselves with the winged pair of reason and will: 

Thus one never comes to folly, but advances without interruption into the might, 

not through an uncertain flightiness, but through an awakened consciousness. As Eckehart says, 

With each work one must consciously make use of his reason and grasp god in the highest possible sense. 

The mastery of the will, of reason, of the memory, relates to the senses mediating the ego and nature. These again are directed to the 
external world in which man is to be understood as person. This whole multiplicity of manifestations is conditioned by space and time, 
which — as mentioned — Eckehart likewise linked with this world. Moreover, his entire religious doctrine is without causality because of 

The Myth of the 20th Century 55 



the comprehension of god as the god of the present. A genetic historically causal process does not interest him at all. This belongs to the 
external world, not to knowledge of the soul and of god. With this, Eckehart rejects the oriental mixture of freedom and nature and all 
those fables and miracles without which the churches of the generation of adulterers (as Jesus called them) could not manage today. 
Whether the earth is a disc or a ball floating in the ether has no bearing on true religion nor on Eckehart' s teaching. But this discovery by 
Copernicus has significantly affected our two Christian churches because they have deceived themselves as well as the world by their 
shameful lies on the subject. 

Particularly in his teaching on the will wherein Eckehart anticipated and surpassed Schopenhauer, Eckehart reveals himself as a 
western dynamic philosopher recognising the eternal polarity of existence. The essence of the achievements of reason is a moving up of 
external things in order to imprint this knowledge on the soul. This same motion is set forth, in the will, which, as a result, likewise 
never attains rest. Thus, even the incomparable mystic who would separate from everything in order to abide in pure contemplation of 
god, strives for endless calm in god. He knows that this calm can only last moments, and that this goal can only be reached through the 
constantly renewed activity of the soul and its powers. Here Meister Eckehart shows himself to be superior to Indian wisdom, and 
recognises eternal rhythm as the precondition of all fruitfulness. From this theoretical insight he then draws practical conclusions for life. 
If the heart and the will seek what is eternal: 

This man seeks not repose; for no unrest disturbs him. This man stands well recorded with god because he accepts all things as 
divine, that is, better than they are in themselves! To this belongs diligence and a wakeful, truly effective awareness upon which the 
mind has to be based despite all things and people. Man cannot learn this by fleeing from the world. 

Eckehart believed he discovered a duality in Jesus as a fundamental law of his being: 

With Jesus, there is a distinction between man's higher and his lower powers. There are corresponding levels of deeds. Man's higher 
powers are suited to the possessing and enjoying of eternal bliss. Simultaneously the lower powers were confronted by utterly wretched 
sorrow and respite on earth. One of the powers stood in direct conflict with the other. The longer and stronger the dispute between 
higher and lower powers, the greater and more praiseworthy the victory and the greater the honour of the victory. 

In contrast to the personality of Eckehart, the magical religious system of Rome stands out even more clearly before us. This is the 
African Syrian chaos of peoples, the religion of possession which, by spreading from the eastern Mediterranean through the aid of 
magical cults and the Jewish bible, and by misuse of the phenomenon of Jesus, created its western centre. With the progressive 
awakening of the west, and, after the strangling of mysticism, this midpoint has made every effort to detract from the anti Roman view 
of the world, to represent the VNA CATHOLIC A as satisfying all, even modern, demands. This is the way one goes to work today. 

The Roman Jesuit philosopher establishes three principal kinds of spiritual outlooks toward the world: 

Imminence, which wishes to rest within itself; 

Transcendence, which permits only god to be held as first creator (hence the doctrine of deism): and 

Transcendentalism, which represents an attempt at linking the two other spiritual orientations. 

For thousands of years philosophical arguments have revolved around these outlooks. The Roman church claims to stand above this 
struggle as apart from, and yet incorporating, all three types. The conflict between these philosophical types can, in fact, never — says 
Rome — attain unity. All attempts to overcome the antinomies of life within the three systems are in vain and always arrive at an 
enforced declaration of the identity of opposites. This occurred because all three typical outlooks formed the same false assumption; as if 
man were somehow equal to god, as if god, so to speak, were only the boundlessly remote ideal of human striving. As a result, the 
creature will be regarded as created self dependent, which is identical to an attempt at spiritual destruction of the creative god behind 
everything. The Roman doctrine now intrudes here with its fundamental outlook, namely, that according to the fourth Lateran council of 
1215, god is like and unlike his creature simultaneously. Like, because he has placed in the latter the possibility of restlessness in the 
face of god; unlike, because as a lowly creature he could only find rest in god. Man thus lives not in his spiritual atmosphere but in the 
sphere of influence of an absolute, remote, ruling god. The catholic man is thus open upward which results in a true striving tension 
without convulsions or explosive unity. (Przywara, S. J.) This was the foundation of Rome, the ANALOGIA ENTIS, the analogy of 
being. 

God is differentiated in reality and essence from the world. He is inexpressibly elevated above everything which can be thought 
about him. God has, in an allegory of creative perfection and for revelation of his perfection, performed creation from nothing in perfect 
freedom. 

This Roman thought process, which is said to have apparently already existed before Peter's calling, shows its origin only too 
clearly. The unapproachable terrifying god enthroned over all; the Jehovah of the so called old testament who is praised in contrition and 
prayed to in fear. He created us from nothing. When it suited him he performed magical miraculous deeds and shaped the world to his 
glory. But in spite of fire and sword, this Syrian African belief was not to be forced upon the Europeans. The hereditary, Nordic spiritual 
values existed in the consciousness not only of the godlikeness but of the identity with god of the human Aryan soul. The Indian 
doctrine of the identity of Atman with Brahman — The universe is being, because itself is the universe — was the first great declaration of 
this. The Persian doctrine of the common struggle of man and Ahura Mazda the Luminous showed us the unadorned Nordic Iranian 
outlook. The Greek heaven of the gods sprang from just such a great soul as Platon's aristocratic doctrine of ideas. The ancient Teutonic 
idea of god is likewise inconceivable without spiritual freedom. Jesus also spoke of the kingdom of heaven within us. The strength of 
spiritual search already shows itself in the world wanderer, Odin. It can he seen in the seeker and believer, Eckehart. And we see it in all 
great men from Luther to Lagarde. This soul also lived within the venerable Thomas of Aquinas and in the majority of the western 
fathers of the church. The ANALOGIA ENTIS (if one leaves out an assumption of creation of the world from nothing) has been forced 
on the Nordic European spirit by the old testament. The Roman system has not been perfected since Jesus. Rather, it is a proven 
compromise between Syria Africa and Europe, for which every possible kind of spiritual synthesis was forged. Roman authorities made 
the arrogant declaration that there were parts of the catholic doctrine which alone could bring salvation. Thomas and his opponent Duns 

The Myth of the 20th Century 56 



Scotus could hardly be tolerated by Rome. Such was no longer the case with Eckehart, for the latter's acceptance would have signalled 
the dismissal of Jehovah. The dismissal of this tyrant god would have been synonymous with the dethronement of his papal 
representative. Since then, European spiritual development has gone its way without, while alongside and against, Rome, although the 
latter, where it could, tried to crush it. If this suppression failed, then the new idea was merely incorporated and defined as, in part, early 
catholic property. 

Essentially, the Roman idea of the demon elevated to god necessitated annihilation of the soul and its capacity for willing: an 
assassination attempt on the polarity of the spiritual being. Through the ANALOGIA ENTIS the modern Roman Jesuit philosophy of 
religion attempts to evade its unfortunate consequence. 

Rome has made use of the old Platonic idea of being and becoming. We strive in eternal becoming but with the consciousness of a 
being which becomes. Because of Roman Jewish falsification, this Nordic idea of self realisation received the meaning of a movement 
of the creature toward god, and with such an effect that from self fulfilment a realisation of god grows in whose hands we nevertheless 
only represent shapeless clay or a corpse. 

These apparent concessions by Roman Jehovahism to the spiritually conscious west — with its capacity for willing — have still not 
lured many to come under the sway of Rome. Had the true nature of Rome been discovered and laid bare, it would long since have 
passed away. Whether I bestow myself with spiritual freedom, as Eckehart did, or bow myself slavishly down before the lord, as 
Ignatius did, is important only within the context of a particular system. Some are kneaded like clay, used like a stick, or turned into a 
corpselike slave. It is such things that forge the difference between man and man, system and system, and, in the final analysis, between 
race and bastardism. Roman Jehovah means magical despotism and magical creation out of nothing — ideas which are insane to us. The 
Nordic west says: god and self are a spiritual polarity. Every perfected union is an act of creation calling up renewed dynamic forces. 
The real Nordic soul in its highest form always flies toward god. It always moves here from god. Simultaneously it rests in god and 
reposes in itself. This union, felt simultaneously as a giving away and self consciousness, is called Nordic mysticism. Roman mysticism 
means, fundamentally, the impossible demand for the abolition of polarity and of what is dynamic; it means the subjection of mankind. 

Roman philosophy does not stand, as it asserts, outside the three kinds of spiritual orientation in the form of immanence, 
transcendence and transcendentalism. It embodies them all, but it represents an attempt at compromise, binding parts within the Jewish 
Syrian African belief. The Roman doctrine does not flow through the world from one centre in a thousand streams. Rather, it dresses its 
Syrian foundation with the borrowed and misrepresented teaching of the Nordic man — which he built in his world of ideas — in a wholly 
different folkish personality. Here is the origin of the problem of our existence in the world, of our being here, of our being as such. 

With its assertion of the creation of the world from nothing by a god, the Jewish Roman doctrine proclaims a causal link between 
creator and creature. It thus transforms an outlook only applicable to this world into the metaphysical realm. Even today, it asserts its 
position, that it represents the creator. The Germanic spirit has been involved in conflict with this monstrous fundamental principle from 
the first. Even the oldest Nordic creation myth, the Indian one, does not recognise the idea of nothingness. It speaks only of a 
fluctuation, change, chaos. It conceives the cosmos as having arisen from an ordering principle working against chaos. It reflects on the 
idea of one who brings order, but not one who creates something out of an original void. It rejects creation EX NIHILO with the 
rhetorical question, From whence come creation and creator? Further, 

He, who brought forth creation, 

Who gazes upon it in heaven's highest light, 

Who has made or not made it, 

Who knows it, or does he not know? 

Indian monism was actually born of a sharp dualism: the soul alone was regarded as essential: matter, as a delusion which is to be 
overcome. A creation of matter, even from nothing, would have appeared to every Aryan Indian as blasphemous materialism. In the 
Indian myth of creation, a similar mood prevails as in Hellas and Germania: chaos orders itself to a will, under a law, but a world never 
arises from nothing, as the Syrian African desert fathers taught and Rome took over with its demon Jehovah. Schiller's assertion: 

If I think of god, I give up the creator, 

signifies in the concisest form the clear rejection by the Aryan Nordic soul of the magical linking of creator and creature, as god and 
honourless creature. Rome has blended Isis, Horus, Yahweh, Platon, Aristoteles, Jesus, Thomas, and so on. Rome wishes to force this 
version of being as such onto the empirical existence of races and peoples. Where this is not successful, Rome will cause it to seep in by 
flattering falsifications: crippling our organic existence. It then gathers all those who are crippled spiritually and racially under the 
catholic roof. 

Until the present, only a little opposition has coalesced which is capable of preventing this massive destruction of peoples. One great 
man refuted the Roman medicine man philosophy; another fought it on his own; the third turned to other tasks. The systematic securing 
of Europe from this far reaching attack has nowhere yet begun. In this struggle, Lutheranism is unfortunately an ally with Rome. In spite 
of its protestings, Lutheranism has shut itself off from life by its oath to the Jewish bible. It likewise preached its view of our being as 
such without directing itself according to organic existence. Today, an awakening finally begins from this hypnotic state. We do not 
approach life from a conformistic dogma, especially from that of Jewish Roman African origin. We wish to determine the necessity of 
our spiritual being as such, just as Meister Eckehart once strove to do. But being of this kind has as its essence the racially linked soul 
with its necessary supreme values of honour and freedom. These supreme values determine the structure of the other, lesser values. This 
race soul lives and unfolds itself in nature. It awakens certain qualities and suppresses others. These forces of race, soul and nature are 
the eternal prerequisites of existence and life, from which culture, belief, art, and so on, result as spiritual being. This is the final inward 
withdrawal, the new awakening Myth of our life. 

Paracelsus was an awakened man living in a world of inflated abstract scholars who were alienated from the people. Self appointed 
authorities from Greece, Rome and Arabia were poisoning the living human body, making the sick even worse and, despite all mutual 
quarrels, standing like a wall against the genius Paracelsus who reached down searchingly into the primal grounds of existence. 

The Myth of the 20th Century 57 



Theophrastus von Hohenheim was a latter day genius. It was his task to investigate nature in the totality of its laws, and to evaluate 
medicines as structural means furthering the life process of our body. His investigations were unconnected to magical mixtures. These 
things drove von Hohenheim through the world of his day. He was hated and feared, for he had the stamp of dissident genius. He did not 
regard churches and altars, doctrines and words, as things in themselves. Rather, he evaluated them according to how deeply they were 
rooted in nature and racial blood. Like the great Paracelsus, von Hohenheim became the vocal leader of all German natural scientists and 
mystics, a great preacher of our existence, our existential being in the world. In order to raise himself up from the earth, von Hohenheim 
reached for the stars like Meister Eckehart, and masterfully, yet modestly, fitted himself into the great laws of the universe. He was full 
of bliss with the pure notes of the nightingale, with the unfathomable, overflowing creation of his own heart. 

With his anti Roman religion, his moral teachings and his critique of cognition, Eckehart consciously separated himself, indeed 
abruptly, from all basic tenets of both the Roman and the later Lutheran churches. In place of the static Jewish Roman outlook, he 
asserts the dynamic of the Nordic western soul; in place of monistic violence he demands the recognition of the duality of all life; in 
place of the doctrine of subjection and blissful slavery, he preaches belief in freedom of soul and will; in place of ecclesiastical 
arrogance by the representatives of god, he places the honour and nobility of the spiritual personality; instead of enraptured, self 
subjecting love, he offers the aristocratic ideal of personal spiritual detachment and loneliness; in place of the violation of nature appears 
its perfection. And all this means that in place of the Jewish Roman view of the world, the Nordic spiritual creed appears as the inward 
side of German Teutonic man — of the Nordic race. 

Eckehart knew that he spoke only to a few within the church; therefore, he often had dealings with the heretical Beguines and 
Begardes, preached to and had long table talks with them. They speak of him as Brother Eckehart. While he rejected, piece by piece, the 
Roman Syrian conformistic dogmas, he spoke against the heretics in not a single one of his sermons. He wished to seek out and unite 
men who held like views within the church. This was his goal in Erfurt, StraBburg, Koln and Prague. Eckehart flatly rejected the view 
that there could be doctrines in which one simply must believe merely because this was demanded by his superiors or by tradition. To 
substantiate this claim he calls on reason and on the doctrine of freedom of the soul. He tells his listeners that if they wished to follow 
his teachings, they must be prepared to stand, body and soul, with the truth. Those who, as always, try to subvert the truth were there to 
reject and refute the ideas of the spirit. When Eckehart taught in Cologne, the fires of the inquisition burned at the stake around him. 
Even within his own order many complained that he spoke too much in the vernacular to the common people concerning things which 
could lead to heresy. The archbishop of Cologne then complained about Eckehart to the pope. The Roman pontiff would gladly have 
eliminated him, but he needed the political support of the Dominicans in his struggles with the emperor, and so could not afford to burn 
their spiritual head. Therefore the Eckehart case was investigated by a member of the order, who absolved him. Such an absolution 
would not have been possible according to the dogma of infallibility at the beginning of the free 20th century. And then the inquisition 
proceeded to its work. On 24 January, 1327, Eckehart rejected their intrusion as an arbitrary act, and invited his enemies to appear 
before the pope in May, 1327. A similar declaration by Eckehart at the Dominican church at Cologne closed with the words: 

Without, in consequence, abandoning a single one of my principles, I will improve or withdraw all those concerning which it 

can be proved that they are based upon faulty use of reason. 

In accordance with their logic, Eckehart' s declaration was completely rejected by the devout inquisitors as frivolous. But before he 
could travel to the pope he died. In any event, the great power which could have made a German church out of the Roman was broken. 
His German religion was afterward officially condemned by Rome. Initially, according to established method, to deceive his supporters, 
Eckehart' s recantation was broadcast as a general apology, although Eckehart, on the contrary, had been ready to defend his teachings 
with the utmost vehemence. It is characteristic of his freedom of spirit that he did not summon up church dogmas; indeed, not even the 
bible, as Luther did later, but based his arguments solely on free rational perception. After this first forgery, the devout followers of 
Rome corrected Meister Eckehart, and ranked him as a spiritual pupil of Thomas of Aquinas. 

From the 13th century onward there was a general dissolution of the catholic centre with a corresponding degeneration of church 
and clergy in all nations. The masses would have lost their false faith also had it not been for a few leading personalities who, by 
devoting all their energies, saved the situation over and again. As a reaction against this degeneration, in the 13th century, the Societies 
of the brothers and sisters of the free spirit were formed in which the forerunners of mysticism can be seen. The Beguines and Begards 
worked with them in the same circles in which Meister Eckehart had also maintained close contact. This pious, but unchurchly, 
movement passed outside and inside the church like a broad stream through the German lands. Above all else these movements seized 
upon a basic principle of the nearly defunct Aryan system as a tool to teach religion in the vernacular. This is the point at which the 
enduring struggle began between folkish ideas and the Roman Jewish church. Pope Gregorius VII had described as arrogant the use of 
the vernacular in holy worship. The true folkish feeling rejected the alien Latin tongue, which was thought to be unintelligible, and a 
mechanically repetitive magical formula. The religious German movement around the middle of the 13th century defied folkish hostile 
Rome, and proceeded to the vernacular in worship. Sermons and doctrinal addresses were no longer spoken in Latin but in German. And 
the greatest pioneer of this innovation was Eckehart, whom his pupils and imitators — among others, Suso and Tauler — always called the 
blessed and holy master. Eckehart, even if he had to write much in Latin, also made the German language into a language of science. He 
struggled with great effort for this, to replace the Latin sentence formation with German word imprints. In this he was also a heretic 
whose work — trodden underfoot and half strangled through the Roman church — Martin Luther continued. Thus the prerequisites for 
folkdom were created. 

Today catholic priests preach in German, but the entire liturgy, the utterances, and also the hymns and prayer formulas must still be 
murmured by the catholics among our people in the Latin tongue. The church cannot give this up, because it must preserve its unnational 
character, but the peoples may soon no longer tolerate this alien heathen relic. Fundamentally, there is no difference between the Tibetan 
who turns his prayer wheel and the German peasant who prays in Latin. Both signify only a mechanical practice in contrast to real 
religious absorption. 

The real Eckehart vanished then, thanks to the Roman forgeries, from the eyes of the German people. True, the religious wave 

The Myth of the 20th Century 58 



passed over the land of Widukind, down the Rhine, and everywhere there arose believers in the freedom of the soul: Suso and Tauler, 
Ruysbrok and Grootes, Bohme and Angelus Silesius. But the greatest power of soul, the most beautiful dream of the German people had 
died too early; everything later is only — regarded objectively — a reflection of Eckehart' s great soul. Out of his manliness developed 
popular enthusiasm: from his powerful love grew sweet ecstasy. Supported by the church in this attitude, the current of effeminate 
mysticism flowed again into the lap of the Roman church. Luther's deed finally broke through the alien crust, but, in spite of his longing, 
he never found his way back to the spiritual depth of Meister Eckehart, never returned to his spiritual freedom. His church, unfree from 
the first day onward, dried up in one place and turned barren in another. The German soul had to seek a path other than that of the 
church. It struck upon this in art. When the spirit of Eckehart grew silent, Germanic painting arose. The soul of J. S. Bach resounded; 

Goethe's Faust was composed, Beethoven's Ninth, Kant's philosophy What was deepest and strongest still came from Eckehart's 

teaching; something which more than all else seems clairvoyantly directed at the men of our times. 

Eckehart ends the sermon On the kingdom of god with the following words: 

This address is only for those who have already found its message in their own lives, or at least long for it in their hearts. That this 
may be revealed to us, help us god. 

Thus his words are directed only at those spiritually related. His teaching extends to all inward or noble men, and a mystery is 
revealed here which is only today born again to new life. In a sermon on 2 Corinthians I, 2, Eckehart differentiates between blood and 
flesh. By blood, he understands — and so he believes with saint John — everything which in man is not subject to his will. Thus, what is 
taking effect in the unconscious is a counterpart to the soul. And, in another passage, Eckehart says — concerning Matthew X, 28 — The 
noblest that is in men is the blood — when it wishes what is right. But the most wicked which is in man is the blood — when it wishes 
evil. 

With this, the last supplementary word has been spoken: Alongside the Myth of the eternal free soul stands the Myth, the religion of 
the blood. The one corresponds to the other without us knowing that here cause and effect are at hand. Race and self, blood and soul, 
stand in the closest connection. Meister Eckehart's teaching is not fit for scoundrels, nor for that racial mixture of alien type which has 
seeped into the heart of Europe from the east and forms the most subservient element of Rome. Eckehart's teaching of the soul is 
directed at the carriers of the same or related blood, persons who have similar lives or possess vision as a longing of their heart — not to 
the spiritually alien and the hostile of blood. 

Meister Eckehart then speaks the folkish credo: 

No vessel can hold two kinds of drink in itself: if it is to hold wine, one must pour out the water so that not a drop remains. 

And further: 

One should respect the manners of other people, and scorn no one's manners. 

Again: 

It is impossible that all men should follow two paths simultaneously. 

And, then again: 

For often, what is life to the one, is death to the other. 

That is the complete opposite of what the church of Rome — and ultimately also, Wittenberg — teaches us. These Christian churches 
wish to force us all — whether white, yellow or black — upon one path, into one form, and under one dogma. These things have poisoned 
our souls, our European racial heritage. What was its life was our death. We have not died because we have the power of the Germanic 
soul which thus far has prevented the final victory of Rome and Jerusalem. In Meister Eckehart, the Nordic soul came to self 
consciousness for the first time. All latter day great men walk in imitation of Eckehart. From the teachings of this great soul can — and 
will — the German faith be reborn. 

Eckehart shares a spiritual relationship with Goethe, whose entire work was also rooted in freedom of the soul and in a commitment 
to the creative life. The artist has naturally stressed this in a much more definite way than the religious mystic. Goethe spent his life 
suspended between two worlds. If the one threatened to take him captive, then he fled passionately into the other. Meister Eckehart 
spoke, on the one side, of solitude, and work on the other, while Goethe called these two conditions mind and deed. Mind signifies the 
stripping of the cares of the world, the extension of soul passing into infinity, and deed was directed at a creation in this world. Like 
Meister Eckehart, Goethe has stressed again and again the law of our existence: That mind and deed are rhythmically alternating, self 
conditioning and mutually enhancing essences of man; that one alludes to the other, allowing it to be recognised and become creative. 
To withdraw from the world and live for self contemplation does not further our self knowledge: One can actually only observe and 
listen to oneself when actively engaged. Whoever has made it a habit to test action on thinking and thinking on action could not err, and, 
if he erred, then he would soon find himself back upon the right path. The mind, which has always been a governing organ in us 
Indoeuropeans, needs no constant spurring on, and so we also find, with Goethe, few incitements to action. He is concerned with 
restricting action. 

I must confess that the great significant sounding task — know yourself — has always appeared suspicious to me from the beginning, 
as a cunning device fabricated out of whole cloth by priests who would confuse men by demanding the impossible of men. Such false 
prophets wish to lead men astray, away from activity directed at the outer world and into a false inward contemplation. Man only knows 
himself only insofar as he knows the world within which he becomes aware of himself. Every new object which is properly surveyed 
opens up a new possibility in us. Understanding can do nothing to heal sufferings of soul and reason can do less, but resolute activity on 
the other hand can do everything. 

Goethe spent much of his creative energy in promoting the virtues of intellectual activity. The greatest hymn to human activity is his 
Faust. After the exploration and penetration of all science, of all love and suffering, Faust is liberated through the deed, that is, action. 
To his powerful spirit which sought always to comprehend the infinite, the finite deed, the damming of a water torrent, thought was the 
most useful faculty of man, the final stone of life, the tool to conquer the unknown. The noble action finds its pinnacle in works of art. 
As Goethe wrote: 

The Myth of the 20th Century 59 



The true artist opens up the mind, for where words fail, deeds speak. 

And again: 

Who experiences the essence of things at an early age, arrives conveniently at freedom. 

Further, the master wrote: 

A man need only declare himself to be free, to feel the moment. If he dares to declare himself to be finite then he feels himself free. 
A master is whoever has the insight that limitation is also a necessary stage to the highest development even for the greatest spirit. 

Goethe asks: 

How can one learn to know oneself? One does not know himself through introspection, but by action. Attempt to do your duty and 
you know at once what is in you. Duty is the demand of the day. 

In another place Goethe wrote: 

For man it is a misfortune when any kind of idea takes firm root within him which has no influence upon active life, or which draws 
him away from the latter. 

He also wrote that: 

In my opinion, determination is the thing most worthy of respect in man It is always a misfortune when a man is occasioned to 

strive for something with which he cannot discipline himself by regular self activity. 

Therefore even the smallest man can be complete if he: 

Moves within the limits of his capacities. A material world is ready for us to create. On the spiritual path involvement and free 
activity regulated by love are always found. To move these two worlds reciprocally, to manifest their mutual qualities in the transitory 
shape of life, that is the highest form to which man has to mould himself. 

When Goethe had sated all his senses in Rome, he wrote: 

I wish to know nothing more at all other than how to create something and exercise my mind rightly. 

But immediately afterward he says: 

A new epoch is beginning with me. My mind is now so broadened through seeing and observing so much that I must restrict myself 
to some new kind of work. 

In another passage he says by way of summary: 

I had spent my whole life composing and observing, synthetically and analytically. The systole and diastole of the human spirit was, 
for me, a second drawing of breath. 

When Schiller died, he said, to control his despair: 

When I had regained control of myself, I looked around for active diversions. 

And again, when in 1823 he was plagued by severe suffering after he had lost his son, he called back to his mind that which already 
seemed to have lost itself in the beyond, and proclaimed: 

And now forward — over graves! 

Essentially Goethe' s spiritual condition resembles the real lives of all great men of the Nordic west. Da Vinci conjured up an 
incomprehensible transcendental world in his holy Anna, in the eyes of his John the baptist and in the face of his Christ. Simultaneously 
he was an engineer, a cool headed technician who could not devise enough to make nature serviceable to man. One could offer the 
opinion about the many words of Da Vinci, that they might have sprung from the mouth of Goethe. With Beethoven, a sparkling scherzo 
suddenly appears after the deepest mystical rapture, and his Symphony to joy (9th symphony) is a most touching song of solitude. 
Beethoven, who seemed to vanish in his dreams, at the same time uttered the words of dynamic western man: 

Strength is the morality of men who distinguish themselves before others. It is also mine. 

Also: 

To grasp destiny by the throat, 

was how he represented his goal. Similar deep expressions also formed Michael Angelo's personality. One should read his Sonnets 
to Vittoria Colonna, and then stand before his Sibyls and his world condemning Christ. It also becomes clear to us that western 
mysticism does not exclude life but, on the contrary, it has chosen creative existence as a partner. To enhance itself, it has need of 
antithesis. The more heroic the soul, all the mightier the outward works; the more detached the personality, the more radiant the deeds. 

The dynamic Germanic nature never expresses itself in flight from the world, but in overcoming it, in struggle with it. This occurs in 
a twofold manner: in the godly religious artistic metaphysical, and in the Luciferian empirical. 

No other race has, in the same way, sent over the globe explorer after explorer — men who were not mere innovators but discoverers 
in the real sense. It was the Nordic west and its heroes who reshaped the chaos of what they found into a cosmos — an ordered world. 
Nordic men have visited the dark continents, the cold polar regions, tropical forests, bare steppes, the remote seas, inaccessible rivers 
and lakes and high mountains. Men at all times and in many places have dreamed of flying through space, but only in the Nordic man 
did this longing become a force which led to invention. He who has never felt the power of forcefully overcoming time and space, he 
who has not felt, in the midst of machines and ironworks, in the midst of the interworking of a thousand wheels, the pulsebeat of 
material conquest of the world, he has not understood this one side of the Germanic European soul, and he will not understand the other 
mystical side. Recall the sudden outburst by hundred year old Faust: 

The few trees not my own 

spoil possession of the world for me. 

It is not mere greed for riches and high living that is shown here, but the urge of the master who feels bliss in commanding. 

One must differentiate between what is of Lucifer and what belongs to Satan. Satanic describes the moral side of the mechanistic 
conquest of the world. It is dictated by purely instinctive motives. It is seen in the Jewish attitude toward the world. Luciferan describes 
the struggle for the subjugation of matter without having the prerequisite of subjective interest as a driving motive. The first springs 
from an uncreative character, and will consequently never find anything, never discover, never really invent, while the second compels 

The Myth of the 20th Century 60 



natural laws with the aid of natural laws, follows their track, and builds works to make matter useful. 

It is easy to understand that the Luciferan conquest of the world can easily become Satanic. For this reason, in a principally 
Luciferan era, such as that which vanished in the world war, Jewry necessarily finds it doubly easy to infiltrate and seek its possibilities 
for profit. 

Repose is superior to motion, the weak overcome the strong; softness overcomes rigidity: These words contain the mood of an entire 
culture. They are the soul of the Chinese race whose ideas are embodied in the teachings of Lao Tse, who lived 2,500 years ago, and 
who speaks to us like some tired sage of today. No one will read the writings of Lao Tse without feeling himself enveloped by a wreath 
of essential truth. As one reads Lao Tse, he realises that this message is one of the most beautiful experiences wherein one can buoy up 
his frame of mind. Man should not strive to fathom the nature of man. He should know only one thing: The destruction of the body is no 
loss. This is immortality. One must guard oneself against every excess while peacefully and calmly going one's mysterious, predestined 
way. 

The joy of Lao Tse's wisdom is the longing for polarity between soul and spirit. But this is not in harmony with us and nothing is 
falser than to believe that the wisdom of the east is in accord with our own beliefs. Eastern thought must never be regarded as something 
superior to our own, in the way that Europeans, grown tired and inwardly devoid of rhythm, like to do today. 

There exists a further contrast. In studying the history and literature of the Jews, one finds almost nothing but energetic, endlessly 
busy activity, a completely one sided concentration of all energies upon material well being. From this veritable amoral disposition of 
spirit, a moral code originates which recognises only one thing: The personal advantage of the Jew. This, in turn, results in religiously 
and morally permitted perjury, the Talmudic religion of the legal lie. All naturally egotistic dispositions receive a boost in energy 
provided by the morality which is permitted to them. But, as is the case among almost all peoples of the world where religious and moral 
ideas and values are placed in the path of purely instinctive whims and lack of control, with the Jews it is the reverse. So, for 2,500 years 
we see eternally the same picture. Greedy for the goods of this world, the Jew moves from city to city, from land to land, and remains 
where he finds the least resistance to his parasitical business activity. He is driven away but comes back again. One generation is 
destroyed and the other begins unalterably the same game. Jugglerlike and half demonic, laughable and tragic at the same time, 
despising everything superior while nevertheless feeling himself innocent, we see that he is devoid of the capacity of being able to 
understand anything other than himself. Eternally he operates under the Satanic name, and remains always the same, always fervently 
believing in his mission, and yet forever a barren and condemned parasite. The eternal Jew forms a complete contrast to Buddha, to Lao 
Tse. With the one, repose, with the other, activity; on the one side, goodness, on the other, slyness; with the one, peace, with the other, 
abysmal hatred toward all peoples of the world, with the one, an understanding of everything, with the other, total incapacity and lack of 
understanding. 

Equally far removed from both antitheses stands the Nordic idea. It is a new universe unto itself. The peace of Goethe, the repose of 
Lao Tse, the deeds of Bismarck are not in the same league as the activities of a Rothschild. The Germanic has neither the Chinese calm 
nor the Jewish activity in the sense of the personality, not the person. Our goals, our methods and our thoughts are totally different from 
those of the Chinese and the Jew. 

Nordic man believes deeply in an eternal law of nature: he knows that he is manifestly linked to it. He does not despise nature but 
accepts it as the allegory of something supernatural. But he sees in nonnature something other than mere arbitrariness. He does not 
satisfy himself in believing in immortality as such as he is astounded at every self observation concerning the uniqueness of his 
nonnatural self. He also finds an essentially different nature with every other person, likewise concealing within itself an equally rich 
microcosm with many references. If Lao Tse says that the perfected man does not come into conflict with others because they all have 
the same direction, then, as compared with Nordic feeling, an attitude of indifference is seen here which leaves a traveller unheeding, 
wishing only silently to pursue his own course. Here, then, we face the question as to whether this apparently great and beautiful calm of 
the Chinese does not in fact signify an inner lack of motion of soul; the obverse side of an inwardness virtually devoid of life. 

The Indian mystic also taught that others followed the same path to the end. He believed he could speak the great words: That you 
are, to every creature of this world; but the emphasis of his metaphysical outlook is remote from the logical conclusions of the Chinese. 
Lao Tse devoted himself to the moral side of our nature and allowed the metaphysical to rest within itself. He preached a doctrine of 
honour toward the honourable and dishonourable alike, and love for friend and foe. This is proper goodness, equally directed toward 
noble men. The Indian is absorbed completely in the metaphysical side of man. He lays such great weight upon this that he arrives, 
ultimately, at the view that action as such could not do harm to a participant sharing in Atman Brahman. He will not be defiled by 
works, by evil. All that is material is only deceit and appearance; what happens to him is a matter of indifference. Man's individuality 
has no long term existence. That is the ultimate conclusion of India. 

Lao Tse teaches inactivity because the path and the right way are predestined for every man and, by acting, seeking and 
investigating, only discord and misfortune will follow. 

Indian philosophy is fundamentally different from our own. Different souls and spirits are manifest in the two cultures. It becomes a 
crime to discuss the equality of good men. The Indian believes that it is a thousand times more beautiful and sublime to see with what 
richness of soul each of us has come into this world. Both he and the Nordic man know how at different places upon earth different souls 
are at work struggling to express themselves. It is a great mistake to try to intrude here as strangers and to attempt to efface these 
contrasts. It is rare that a combination and merging of different souls and races has accomplished anything beautiful. Usually only 
misery appears following racial mixing. High intentions inspired missionaries who went to India and China where they only disturbed 
native racial developments. But we run the same risk today when men come and laugh at the great men of the west, while alluding to 
India and China as the great examples of the development of the soul which Europeans should emulate. As beautifully as Jajnavalkya 
speaks, as flattering as Lao Tse's words are, they are for the east. If we try to adopt these ideas, then we are spiritually lost. Either we go 
our own way or we fall into chaos, into the abyss of madness. 

We know that we all have one longing; to emerge from darkness into light, to move from our earthly bonds into an eternal unknown. 

The Myth of the 20th Century 6 1 



But we confess that we are by no means content with knowing that we have, morally or metaphysically, struck out upon the same path 
with others. We are also interested in the reasoning behind our feeling and thinking. The Chinese have a thousand volume history, which 
is not really a history but a chronicle; everything down to the smallest detail seems important to the narrator. The Indian devoted no real 
attention to such profane history. He has no real chronicle, no secular history. He has only his myths, songs and hymns. Neither race 
sought to walk the other's path of development. The one had not understood the outward effect of the personality, whether it be of a man 
or a people in general; the other saw it as mere appearance and therefore unimportant. 

Germanic man appeared in world history as creator. He sailed around the entire earth. He discovered millions of worlds. In the heat 
of a tropical sun he excavated prehistoric, long forgotten cities. He researched poems and myths. He sought after legendary fortresses. 
With indescribable effort he deciphered papyrus rolls, hieroglyphics and inscriptions on clay fragments. He investigated thousand year 
old mortar and stone. He learned all the languages of the world. He lived among Bushmen, Indians, Chinese, and formed for himself a 
varied picture of the souls of the peoples. He saw technology, morals, art and religion grow up from beginnings of the most diverse 
kinds of works of a different nature. He comprehended personality because he was himself one. He grasped the activity of peoples as 
action, as shaped spiritual power, as an expression of a uniquely personal inwardness. He not only had interest in the fact that men 
thought and acted in such and such a way, but he did not rest until he had learned to grasp the inner forces — whether rational or 
intuitive — which shaped the destiny of civilisations. It was popular for a long time to compare the Chinese and the Germans, because 
both peoples have been possessed by a mania for collecting and by a veritable disease for registering everything. This comparison 
remains completely superficial. One cannot measure the soul of a people by individual characteristics but only by achievements. Thus 
the Chinaman remains a cataloguer; the German, however, became a master of historical science. He built his collections of facts and 
deeds with a strong sense of both purpose and direction. With one, the ultimate end was mechanical coordination; with the other, a view 
of the world. That is the difference. 

The German's talent for researching and writing history is deeper than just having a sense of what to save or discard. He brings true 
philosophical overview to his study. He knows what things serve man, civilisation and race. The Teuton — especially the German — feels 
in his heart the value and dignity of personality. He is filled with a conscious intuition of it, knowing that it must be felt as well as 
known. He is driven by a vital feeling, by the greatest activity of soul, to observe, investigate and fathom his fellow men. Therefore, he 
has understood history as the development of a people's personality. He has sought under thousand year old ashes and ruins evidence of 
human power. Here we have arrived, then, at one of the primordial phenomena which can neither be explained nor investigated. 

Because the Germanic spirit instinctively feels the eternity and immortality of personality, because it does not dispute the intuitive 
awareness expressed as: 

That you are, 

so there lives within it the longing to investigate what can be learned of alien personalities. The Greek did not concern himself with 
his prehistory because he regards time, development and personality as illusions. The Chinese collected all the data of his past, even 
recording the bowel motions of the mandarin. He collected data about the person but did not indicate the realities of personalities. The 
conscious interpretation of any kind of culture as the expression of something never previously existing and never recurring, of 
something mysteriously unique — that is the fundamental mood of the Nordic Germanic spirit with its mystique of action. This is the 
reason why Europeans were able to decipher hieroglyphics and Babylonian clay fragments. For this same reason, entire generations 
devoted their creative power in excavations in Greece and Egypt and on the Ganges and the Euphrates. They sought to recapture and 
interpret that spirit. If the European spirit had signified only a shaping of the outward person, then this organic widening and 
concentration would never have occurred. This is called the Faustian soul; the striving for infinity in every domain. But at the basis of 
this lies the uniqueness of personality felt nowhere else in the world with like strength and dignity. 

From this feeling of respect for other cultures and races Herder was driven to collect the folk songs of peoples ranging from India to 
Iceland. To this end Goethe conjured up Persia for us in an enchanting way. Germanic scholars were able to present before us the 
realisations of the utterly remote — and yet often very close — Indian soul. They gave us a picture of the world rich in every respect, sharp 
in contrasts. History is therefore felt with great awareness; it unrolls before our mind's eye. Everything stands uniquely coloured and 
shaped, portentous and alien at the same time. In the midst the Nordic man stands as the embodiment of the attainment of personal 
consciousness — that last mystery of existence. This inner frame of mind is the ultimate basis of what is broken down, fragmentary, 
abandoned, infinitely remote in all of European culture. Don Quixote, Hamlet, Parsifal, Faust, Rembrandt, Beethoven, Goethe, Wagner 
and Nietzsche, all lived, spoke and created. They are the witnesses to this experience. Here also the Nordic concept of action grows into 
something completely different from what Lao Tse understood by doing, or what appeared to Buddha as harmful because of its bringing 
suffering. One must differentiate even more this idea of action from that energetic Jewish activity which has always revealed a purely 
materialistic purpose. The motivating force of Judaism is always material gain. Action for western man is the expression of an inner 
essence in a development of soul without earthly purpose. Thus it is a form of our spiritual activity. By following this, we really live 
here on earth for the first time and for a higher purpose. We attribute a dignity to action which alone can lead us to knowledge of 
ourselves. Here, I recall those profound words of Goethe: 

Every well considered deed releases a new capacity within us. 

A completely different soul speaks here than in the writings of Lao Tse. It is fundamentally different from the ideas of he who 
taught the fourfold holy path. Lao Tse rejects action alone because it must always be accompanied by doing. Buddha likewise fears 
suffering. But Goethe accepts suffering, even sees it as necessary, as elevating: 

Whoever cannot despair, should not live. 

Like the great Meister Eckehart, he frequently finds soul expanding bliss in one single moment. In the experience of a creative deed, 
the whole of suffering is made worthwhile and thus overcome. Nothing can be compared with this power of the soul. It is primarily 
power, not at all silent and reconciled with abandonment; rather, it soars with broad wings over all that is earthly. 

It is noteworthy to see how great men viewed the vital, inner feelings of a race — as opposed to mere externals. Briefly, to the 

The Myth of the 20th Century 62 



Chinese, repose is the overcoming of action, a way to achieve one's destiny without conscious action. To the Indian, inactivity signifies 
the conquest of life, the first stage of passing over into eternity. To the Jew, repose signifies the prying out of an opportunity which 
promises material success. The calm of the Nordic man is self reflection before action; it is mysticism and life simultaneously. China 
and India wish, in different manners, to overcome the pulsebeat of life. To the Jew, inactivity is only a consequence of external 
circumstances. The Northlander, on the contrary, wishes for inwardly conditioned, organically creative rhythm. There are naturally only 
a few who are capable of carrying this Nordic rhythm throughout their entire life, through their entire works. But because of this they are 
the greatest of our spirit, our race. 

In some of our great men this rhythm is active — in individuals with consuming passion — with a powerful intake of breath, such as 
in the works of Da Vinci, Rembrandt, Bach and Goethe. With others, this pulsebeat proceeded more violently, suddenly, dramatically. 
This is revealed to us in the works of Michael Angelo, Shakespeare, and Beethoven. Immanuel Kant, who appears to many as the 
embodiment of moderation itself, emphasised as his deepest conviction that only by enthusiasm, by the highest spiritual readiness for 
action, can a great work be created. This was a sensitive self confession. From the work of the sage of Konigsberg one hears the mighty 
beating of wings of the Nordic soul: Never is anything great in the world achieved without enthusiasm. 

Therefore, also, in what concerns our relationship to action, the spiritual attitudes of different people stand before our eyes. The 
otherwise different Chinese and Indians are on one side; the Jew, as antithesis and contradiction (not as spiritual antipode), is on the 
other. And, beyond them, the Nordic Germanic man is the antipode of both directions, grasping for both poles of our existence, 
combining mysticism and a life of action, being borne up by a dynamic vital feeling, being uplifted by the belief in the free creative will 
and the noble soul. Meister Eckehart wished to become one with himself. This is certainly our own ultimate desire. 

Book II: Nature of Germanic Art 

Chapter I. Racial Aesthetics 

The time of the virtuosi seems to be nearing an end. We have grown tired of repeatedly allowing ourselves to be merely allured and 
bedazzled. We have had enough of the nervous showmanship of recent decades. We hate the technical display of everything which is 
called art. We feel that the period of intellectualism as a phenomenon which arrogated to itself the possession of cultural validity, lies in 
its death throes. We believe that the prophets who announce it as the wave of the future — as the ultimate end of our European culture — 
are already spokesmen of an obsolete past. These men, inwardly exhausted, had already lost their faith before they thought and wrote. 
Therefore, their philosophy and their view of history must also end in unbelief. Death and material power greedily consume their works. 
The weak are broken, while the strong feel their faith, and resistance grows. 

The retreat from theoretical materialism in science and art can be regarded as inwardly completed. The pendulum is already 
swinging in the opposite direction. The direction of our spirit begins — in contrast to both currents — gradually to become clear again. 

The time of the aesthetes with their prolific works is here. Revisionist and culturally and racially superior works are being produced. 
The intellectual power of these works is overwhelming. The great literature of the past is being revived. Alien works of past and present 
are being rejected. The general public honours Schiller, Kant and Schopenhauer. Still, there are limitations to their works. We are 
cautious of these not because we fail to find the profoundest thoughts in their works, but because we can no longer use them in their 
entirety for the study of art. Their limitations are clear. They look only to Greek art for inspiration, and they all speak of the possibility 
of a universal aesthetics. If they would accept the fact of racial differences in art, then on their theoretical thought — the thought which 
we describe as the philosophy of the 1 8th century — we would have an acceptable base on which to build. Their thought could seize the 
art products of their own peoples. This contradiction between philosophical theory and concrete practice is present in Goethe, Schiller 
and Schopenhauer. The great fault of all 19th century aesthetics was that it was not likened to the works of the artists; it merely dissected 
works of art. The philosophers did not discern that Goethe's admiration of the Asiatic Laokoon was one thing, and Faust's Nordic deeds 
something fundamentally quite different. Goethe's Nordic instinct was strong, but he fell into the trap of believing that the Hellenes 
were artistically superior to the Nordic art forms. 

The starting point of the aesthetics of dissection was a false one, for it failed to rationalise a philosophy of art. The 19th century 
aesthetics has not awakened a lucid Nordic racial consciousness. Nor has it given us a sense of direction. What it has given us is 
Greek — most often late, corrupted Greek — art as a standard for European art. 

Much was made of an aesthetics and a philosophy of history for the allegedly superior orient. Eventually, we rejected the orient as a 
concept, as we realised that these peoples had conflicting, often mutually exclusive, cultures and art. Today, it has become modern to 
speak again of the west. We can speak of the west much more easily than we can speak of the orient. However, more emphasis must be 
placed on the role of the Nordic races here. 

Heretofore, those philosophers who have written about the aesthetic condition, or the establishing of values in art, have bypassed the 
fact of a racial ideal of beauty. This ideal relates to the physical appearance of the racial types and to the race's supreme value. In this 
respect it is evident that if the nature of art is to be discussed, then the pure physical representation, for example, of a Greek, must have a 
different effect upon us than, for instance, the portrait of a Chinese emperor. Every outline receives a different function in China than in 
Hellas and, without which, recognition of the racially conditioned formative will be neither interpreted nor aesthetically enjoyed. Every 
work of art has a spiritual content. Along with its formal treatment, this can only be understood on the basis of different race souls. Our 
former aesthetics are thus — in spite of much that is individually correct — to be regarded as operating entirely in a vacuum. In this 
respect the native and truly conscious artist has always proceeded in a racially formative way, and has outwardly embodied truly 
spiritual qualities through the utilisation of those racial types which surrounded him and which have become bearers of certain racial 
peculiarities. However much Hellas appears related to us in so many things, the Greek had a sense of things that is entirely different 
from our own Teutonic thought — or from the Roman or the Indian. This pattern of thought determined the rhythm of his life. This was 

The Myth of the 20th Century 63 



an aesthetic value. Beauty was the measure of Hellenic life in the symposium. Beauty was the all motivating theme of the Iliad. The 
Greek search for beauty continued long after the decline of the world of the polis. So strong was its search that when a poor disintegrated 
Greece faced a Roman general whose presence awoke a remembrance of its own former ancestors, Titus Quinctius Flamininus was 
treated, because of his dignity and beauty, as a national hero. Athens celebrated him as one of its own great men. This was a mark of the 
profound Greek longing for the heights of life, even during decline. If we wish to understand Hellas, we temporarily ignore our own 
supreme value — character. A truly beautiful person could be honoured after his death as a demigod in Hellas. Even the half Greek 
Egestans erected a monument to the man held to be the most beautiful Greek in the struggle against the Carthaginians and made 
sacrifices to him. Sometimes the Hellenes spared an opponent if he impressed them with his beauty. For such beauty seemed to them to 
be a share of divinity, godlikeness. Plutarchos has left us a touching tale of such worship of beauty. Even the Persian general Masistios, 
killed by the Greeks, was, after his beauty had been observed, carried around by the Greek warriors for general admiration. The Greeks 
said of Xerxes that his beauty justified him on all counts as the ruler of his people. Outward appearance was — in spite of many bad 
experiences — regarded as the reflection of a noble soul. For the Greek the hero was always beautiful, and this meant that he was of a 
racial type. 

The Greek as hero appears, for example, in almost the same shape, not only in Hellenic plastic art but also in petty art such as vase 
painting. With his slim body, the hero simultaneously provides the type of ideal modern beauty, although in his profile the Greek is more 
gently formed than the later Teuton. Alongside great Hellenic art, one must study the vase paintings of Exikias, Klitias, Nikosthenes, to 
observe how these show, for example: 

Ajax and Achilles at the games 

Castor with his horse 

the Hydras of Charitaios with the Amazons 

the blond wife of Euphronios on the Orpheus dish which is particularly reminiscent of Gretchen 

the magnificent Aphrodite with the goose 

the Neapolitan crater of Aristophanes and Ergines, 

and so on. On thousands of vases and craters we find a constantly recurring racial type which changes only a little here and there, 
and clearly attests to the beauty and greatness of the Greeks and their excitement at what was heroic, beautiful and great. But a conscious 
racial contrast exists alongside this: for example, in the representation of Silenus, of satyrs and centaurs. Thus the (Inselionic) Phineus 
bowl contains three embodiments of masculine lewdness with all its attributes. The heads of the three are round and pudgy, the 
foreheads swollen as if with dropsy, the noses short and snubby, the lips puffy. This is exactly how Andokides describes Silenus, 
portraying him as hairy with a long beard and, in the profile drawing, the thick fleshy neck was also visible. The same type appears 
brilliantly represented by Kleophrades whose truly Greek Bacchante provides in figure and skull line a completely conscious spiritual 
racial antithesis. Nikosthenes likewise portrays the wineskin carrying Silenus as a virtual half animal, half idiot caricature, while 
Euphronios has left behind a Silenus dish which ideally represents the snubnosed, hairy negroid eastern racial type. Evident, then, are 
these two great opposites; the slim, powerful, aristocratic Hellene, and the short stunted bestial Silenus who unquestionably belongs to 
the race subjected by the Greeks or to the types of imported slaves. 

With increasing infiltration of Asiatic blood, figures also appear in painting which at twenty paces distance are to be recognised as 
Semitic and Jewish. A bowl of the Eos master, for example, shows us a Semitic trader with a sack on his back, while on the early lower 
Italian Phineus crater, a harpy is represented so that its head and hand motions can be admired in nature on the Kurfurstendamm today. 

On thousands of vases and art objects ranging from Asia Minor to the wall paintings of Pompeii, the fact can be proved that, over 
the course of eight centuries, the consciously willed artistic and aesthetic impression of a hero or an ardently possessed man is conceived 
and represented racially. With the progressive bastardising of the Greeks, human misshapen figures appear with spongy limbs and ill 
shaped heads. The racial chaos of a period of progressive democratisation goes hand in hand with artistic decline. No longer did a soul 
exist which could express itself. There is no longer a type which embodies the soul. Henceforth we find merely the man of Hellenism, a 
creature who can have neither aesthetic effect nor an inspirational one, because the race soul, style forming, of the Hellenes had died. 
Things degenerated to such a point that the blond haired Achaeans of Pindar formed something unique in the Mediterranean. From the 
beginning of the 5th century the treatise Physiognomika, by Admantios, said of the Hellenes that 

They were particularly tall in stature, with firm white skin, and had well formed feet and hands, powerful of neck, with brown hair 
which was gently and softly waved. They had square faces, fine lips, straight noses and powerful eyes with a powerful glittering gaze. 
They were a people with the most beautiful eyes in the world. 

Homeros and his creations were also Nordically conditioned like those in the plastic art of Greece. Telemachos tore himself away 
from his mother, the blue eyed daughter of Zeus who sent him a favourable sailing wind. When Menelaus's destiny is foretold to him, he 
is prophesied a godlike life which will lead him to the ends of the earth, to the Elysian fields where the hero Rhadamanthos the Bold 
dwells. Only with a head of golden locks could Holderlin picture the genius of Greece. Homeros, as a man conscious of his being a 
master, avows: 

For the resolute man always conducts best to a conclusion 

Every work, even if he approaches from afar as a stranger. 

However, Thersites, a hostile, misshapen traitor, appeared to confront the blind hero. Clearly Thersites was the embodiment of the 
hither Asiatic spies in the Greek army. These traitors were the forerunners of our Berlin and Frankfurt pacifists. Homeros described the 
brothers of Thersites, the Phoenicians, as: 

Swindlers, bringing with them countless trinkets in a dark ship. 

Thus, Homeros created racial spiritual art and, at the same time, gave birth to those images which were later set up in honour of the 
blue eyed daughter of Zeus. He guided the brush of painters and gave a racial form to the alien antihero. 

Silenus is not a characteristically depicted thickset figure, as our art historians attempt to persuade us, but the plastic representation 

The Myth of the 20th Century 64 



of the peculiarities of an alien race soul as this appeared to the Greeks. The emergence of the later phallic cult and the debauched 
Bacchic festivals demonstrated the late Dionysian disintegration. This was caused by the emergence of the racially eastern oriental types 
who had, heretofore, been regarded as dull and limited. 

This adjustment of racial type is seen in the elephantine strength of Sokrates. Platon glorified the hair splitter. In the Platonic 
dialogues Sokrates declared that a written paper roll could entice him away from the most beautiful natural surroundings. In the midst of 
the extroverted Grecian worldview, this was an admission of the dullest pedantry, yet Sokrates was an example of the spiritual racial 
strength of genius. However strong his moral philosophy was, Sokrates still failed in the field of aesthetics because of his insistence on 
universalism. In the devout and beautiful Greek life of old, struggle seemed to be an eternal natural law to the Hellenes in which Pallas 
Athena herself served. A new epoch of Greek history did not begin with Sokrates, but with him a completely different man entered 
Hellenic life. Admittedly, he inherited the sacred traditions of Athens, of Homeros, of the tragedians, of Perikles and the builders of the 
Acropolis. Admittedly, he took part himself as a soldier in the struggles for political power, but, nevertheless, Sokrates is the ungenial — 
although noble — brave man of another non Greek race. He lived in a time when Athens had embarked on false paths, wherein its once 
aristocratic democracy in which only Greeks, never foreigners, could participate, had begun its slide down into the abyss of chaos. 
Under the tyranny of the demagogues the great Alkibiades was banished and the entire Athenian army perished before Syracuse, and 
almost all other conquests were lost. The triumphant aristocrats then made the democrats drink poison by the hundreds. Later, they met 
the same fate themselves. Aristophanes mocked ancient tradition. The new teachers, Gorgias, Protagoras, and so on, took pride in the 
new, naked, beautiful forms. Then the alien man, characterised a thousand times in Greek literature, stepped to the fore. The new alien 
race unfolded its degenerate values, shaping Greek culture. The Greek values of sobriety and heroism were replaced. Sokrates 
substituted dialectics for substance, the ugly for the beautiful, and academic discussion for heroism. Beyond this, he sought the good in 
itself, preached the community of the good, and gathered around him a disputing new Greek generation. 

Once Perikles, as lord of Athens, had to beg the court for its indulgence in granting civil rights to his son born of his foreign wife. 
This was granted him in an exceptional case. This strict racial law, made under Perikles himself, vanished with the progressive 
impoverishment of the blood of Athens. But it was Sokrates, the non Greek, who, in a time of decomposition, gave it a death blow. The 
idea of a community of the good resulted in a new human classification, not according to races and peoples, but according to individual 
man. With the collapse of Athenian racial democracy, Sokrates became the international social democrat of his day. His personal 
courage and cleverness gave his racially destructive teaching its self advertising blessing. It was his disciple, Antithenes, the son of a 
hither Asiatic slave woman, who then drew so many conclusions from Sokrates' s ideas and ventured forth to preach the destruction of 
all barriers between races and peoples in the name of human progress. 

It was because of Platon that Sokrates was immortalised, and is, even today, honoured by armchair great men. Greek genius must 
recognise Platon as the man who, in the midst of a great decomposition, represented sober prudence. He loved this man, Sokrates, and so 
created an eternal monument for him. Platon placed the words of his own soul in the mouth of Sokrates. Thus, the true Sokrates 
vanished from the world. Only a few passages in Platon truly refer to him. In the Phaedon, for example, Platon relates that Sokrates had 
admitted that he possessed no aptitude for investigation of organic events. The true nature of things for Sokrates therefore consisted 
ultimately not in their investigation by observation, but in our thinking about them. One should not ruin one's eyes by viewing things to 
excess. If man wishes to discover whether the earth is flat or round then it does not suit him to carry on research. Rather, he should ask: 
What does reason say of this? Is it rational to conceive the earth as the centre of the universe? While Platon certainly invented this 
passage, it fits the same Sokrates who turned his gaze away from a racially beautiful Greece in order to talk of a universal abstract 
mankind, a brotherhood of the good. Here he turned away from the sun of observation to look at the shadows of dogma. As the Jewish 
dogma has corrupted religion, so Platon' s scientific method, hostile to life, has corrupted European philosophy. Aristoteles was its 
systematic diffuser, and Hegel its last great pupil. Logic is the science of god, said Hegel. These words are an affront to a truly Nordic 
religion. It is the antithesis of all that is truly German and all that was truly Greek. These words are truly Socratic. It is not surprising 
therefore that university professors have canonised Hegel along with Sokrates. 

Beauty of soul and beauty of physical appearance certainly do not always coincide. But with Sokrates this was the case. Through an 
environment where Eros and the Nordic racial beauty of blond Aphrodite ruled, passed the same ideal of beauty, forming and shaping 
the real Greek world. The ideal was always the slim, white skinned and blond creature — from Dionys of Euripides to the dear little 
blond heads in Aristophanes' s The birds. In the midst of all this, the uncouth type of the satyr appears like the symbol of what is alien. In 
the new, Asiatic Greek world, beauty vanished. The ugly and all that is repellent to the eye replaced natural beauty in later Greek art. 
The preaching of the rational good was the parallel phenomenon of Greek racial and spiritual disintegration. The philosophical good 
then destroyed the racial good as the idea of beauty. Heroic ideas no longer supported the state and social life. The greatest symbol of 
this new, hostile, racially unconscious chaotic group — the antithesis of the Hellenic racial soul — was Sokrates. 

Viewed from this aspect of historical development, such a genius as Platon appears to have squandered his entire spirit on this man 
and presents him with immortality. Platon was essentially an aristocrat, an Olympian fighter, a formative artist, and a profound thinker. 
At the end of his life he wished to save his people racially by enacting a powerful constitution. None of this was Socratic; it was the last 
great flowering of the Hellenic spirit. Praxiteles later formulated a protest against all Socraticism. This was the swansong of Nordic 
Greek racial beauty. In art this was paralleled by the creation of the magnificent Nike of Samothrace. But Sokrates remained a symbol of 
decline. Hellas disappeared in racial chaos. In place of the proud Athenians the universally despised hither Asians populated the 
provinces. The Greeks allowed these characterless racial inferiors to educate them. They drove the true Greeks away when they tired of 
them. 

Sokrates triumphed while Hellas perished. Healthy human understanding had destroyed genius in one last great hour. What was 
ugly became the norm; true beauty was only the good. 

When Sokrates stood before his judges, he said: Athens has never had a greater servant than I. The humility and modesty of the 
messenger of the gods — as he called himself — nevertheless had its other side. Sokrates knew that Greece was disintegrating. 

The Myth of the 20th Century 65 



From the same spirit as Sokrates once embodied, the western aesthetes of a humanistic late period was also born. Like Sokrates, 
they looked for the man, not the Greek or the Teuton, not the Jew or Chinese. They discovered so called universal laws and preached of 
an aesthetic mood and contemplation because the originators of these ideas had lost every sensitivity for the spiritually racial will. In 
their enthusiasm for the Acropolis, our classicists forgot that here they were dealing with one side of Nordic man. Greek Nordic man 
was not necessarily the present Nordic German man. Where the Greek Nordic man viewed things formally and created separate works of 
plastic art, the Nordic Teuton created forcefulness of soul and richness of reference. Where the Greek turned racially heroic motion into 
rest, the later Nordic brother, driven by another formative will, transformed inertia into movement. Where the Greek generalised, the 
Gothic and the Romantic man personified. The delightful, rustling lines of the three women on the gable of the Parthenon and the Nike 
of Samothrace nevertheless strike a special chord within us. The profound impression is with us today because we are witness to a 
spiritually racial relationship laid bare. If the theoreticians of the 18th and 19th centuries had become conscious of this fact, they would 
not have admired the formally competent but boring Lao Tse. He would not be the starting point of a universal aesthetics. They would 
not have made the formal aspect of the Parthenon into a measure of absolute judgement for art. They have even overlooked what was 
full bloodedly created in Hellas. As a result, the artistically spiritual evaluation of both Greek and Nordic European art was falsified. So 
even today we see the figures of Hellas and Germania in false perspective. 

Only for aesthetes who carry on aesthetics for the sake of aesthetics and not for the sake of art and of life, is a line nothing other 
than a line, mere ornamentation. But for every artist it is — consciously or subconsciously — function, the carrier of an achievement. It is 
linked to a definite material. In mankind, the various racial types are the embodiment of definite spiritual essences which condition, 
spiritually and racially, the coloured linear totality describing them. When Velasquez wished to make a contrast to a tiny blond haired 
Infanta, he placed alongside her a female dwarf, that is, one of those bastard types with which Spain is overpopulated. Everything 
stunted and slavish on earth is perpetuated for eternity in art from Velasquez to Zuloaga in these wretched squint eyed cripples. Sancho 
Pancha is the racial type of the purely dark eastern man — superstitious, incapable of culture, unimaginative, materialistic. Such a type of 
man is loyal up to a certain point, but mostly he is merely subservient. Sancho is not a fat man, but a concentrated racially spiritual 
entity. These masters also distort, in a tragically comic way, our Nordic knights. Such mockery, under an alien sun, is a convulsive 
excess. Even today, in the ancient aristocratic circles of Castile, Nordic skin is held to be a sign of noble ancestry. 

The contours of the Greek Silenus correspond to the drawing of the Spanish Sancho and the Spanish dwarfs. Beyond this we find 
the carriers of the same stunted spiritual nature given similar shape all over Europe. 

The peoples of the west are a consequence of racial mixtures and inferior systems of political education. Each of them, however, has 
received what is essential in formative state powers from the Nordic stratum, and, as a result, received the formative powers of the entire 
culture. Linked very closely with this fact is the determining Nordic ideal of beauty which often has great effect in regions where the 
Nordic blood has since almost completely been vanquished. The idea of the hero throughout the whole of Europe is to be equated with a 
tall slim figure, with bright flashing eyes, high forehead, with powerful, but not excessive, muscles. An image of the hero linked with an 
undersized, broad shouldered, bow legged, thick necked and low foreheaded man represents an impossibility even when types like Ebert 
have floated to the surface of life. 

As we move to the post Roman period, we find the racial art motif again. If one looks at the heads of the Staufer kings, the memorial 
at Magdeburg, the head of Heinrich II, one sees racial soul art. Witness, again, the way in which Rethel represents the face of 
Charlemagne and the Frankian king's enemy Widukind. One reads what ancient France has to say about Roland, what Wolfram relates 
about Parsifal, and he knows that these works represent, inwardly and outwardly, a close interweaving of the spiritual and racial. Again 
and again we see the Nordic racial form expressed as great art. However, a change in the type of hero as a form can be established. 
Earlier, the hero had personality and led his people into battle. The real person thus became a symbol in so doing. Today, another new 
dynamic has developed; the will of the great leader directs millions from the centre. Accordingly, in art forms, the head alone is drawn 
into prominent position. This representation symbolically shows what is significant, what is essential, for Germanic man. The forehead, 
nose, eyes, teeth and chin all become bearers of the will, of the direction of ideas. The movement from the static to the dynamic is 
discernible here. At this point, Nordic western art separates from the Greek ideal. 

Schiller once wrote: 

In plain words, man plays only where he is man in the full meaning of the term, and he is only a complete man where he plays 

The unity of the material compulsion of natural laws and the spiritual coercion of moral laws brought two heretofore diverse worlds 
together, and, of this combination the first true freedom was born. Animated by this spirit, the new art forms extinguished the features of 
the old ideal. Simultaneously, the will emerged. The new form rests in itself, a completely closed creation unfolding as if it were from 
beyond, from space, without investigation, without resistance. 

Beauty, conditioned by type, as an external static of the Nordic race is what is Grecian, while the racially peculiar beauty as an inner 
dynamic is the spiritual adjustment of the Nordic west. The face of Perikles and the head of Frederick the Great are but two symbols 
signifying the breadth of race soul — of a racial ideal of beauty. 

It is shameful, but nevertheless a fact, that while there are numerous aesthetics, the unavoidable prerequisites of aesthetics in 
general, the representation of the development of racial ideals of beauty, has not yet been written. Outlines in this respect are so far to be 
found only in H. F. K. Giinfher's Rassenkunde, and in Schultze Naumburg's Kunst und Rasse. Laymen, scholars of art, indeed artists 
themselves pass through the galleries without truly seeing anything. They read European and Chinese poems equally without seeing the 
true essence of either art form, because they seek only universal laws. Nonetheless, and without recognition, the Nordic soul soars 
upwards. To experience this feeling one needs only to cast his gaze at one of the most dignified works of European painting, such as the 
Eyck Triptych with the singing children. The Eycks repeat again and again and again the same ideal picture of Nordic man, from draft 
form to the soaring heights of their later works. Their work in inner form is the equal to our racial soul. The beautiful Nordic racial types 
are examples of Germanic racial beauty in its purest form. The Nordic ideal of man shows a deeply furrowed, manly countenance like 
the face of god. A similar spirit is shown in the Eyck heads in the Berlin museum. And, in reaching into the same depths, one sees that 

The Myth of the 20th Century 66 



the god, through whom Michael Angelo awakens Adam, is the same head of god seen in the Van Eyck work, although Michael Angelo 
could not have had the slightest inkling of the Eyck creation. The same head appears — even if altered through spiritual tension — on the 
figure of Moses trembling with rage. To represent figures of high power was possible to the Netherlander as well as the Italian only if 
they used the Nordic ideal. Neither Jan van Eyck nor Michael Angelo could embody their ideal of nobility, strength and dignity through 
a face of Jewish race. One only has to imagine a face with hooked nose, drooping lip, beady black eyes and woolly hair, in order to 
realise the artistic impossibility of embodying the European god through a Jewish head — let alone through a Jewish figure. This one 
recognition alone should be sufficient to convince one of the necessity of totally rejecting the inner idea of the god of Jewry which forms 
its essence with the Jewish exterior. Our soul has been infected by the Jewish spirit in this respect. The means for this were the bible and 
the church of Rome. With their help, the desert demon became the god of Europe. Whoever opposed this god was burned or poisoned. 
Western man only saved himself through his art. In picture and in stone he created his own god, in spite of the tragic struggle. To realise 
an inner beauty in colour and marble, and to place this entire richness in the service of a spirit; to embody a god, indeed, as beauty, only 
the European artist has been able. One need only look at Michael Angelo' s Sibyls, his Jeremiah, his slaves, his boys or his Lorenzo to 
encounter the Nordic spiritually racial creed. 

Virtually the same ideal of beauty was what guided Titian through his whole life. His Heavenly and earthly love and Venus (Berlin) 
gave us a type of woman. This is also shown to us in the women on the Parthenon gable who were also the women who once came with 
the Germanic conquerors over the Alps. Titian's Flora, his Holy family (Munich) repeat the same language. Giorgione, as a fellow 
Venetian, created in his Venus a virtual classical work of Nordic female beauty. Palma Vechio, another Venetian, found pleasure in 
nothing so much as in blonde, blue eyed, tall women, as in his Three sisters in Dresden. This ideal beauty was so strongly stamped that 
dark women had their hair dyed blonde in order to appear beautiful. 

Yet another great Nordic Italian must be mentioned here: Dante. His ideal of beauty is also Germanic conditioned, and finds perhaps 
its most direct expression in his Stone Canzoni. And when Dante meets King Manfred in purgatory, he writes: 

I turned and looked him straight in the face, 

Blond he was, beautiful and noble of appearance 

From here it is only a step to Rubens. He admittedly overemphasised the fleshy, but the structure of his women is nevertheless 
determined throughout by the Nordic racial type, which, as once in Greece, is placed in contrast to the short, bull necked, low browed, 
round headed Fauns. 

Rembrandt was well versed in the bible, or, more correctly, he read the bible itself little, but studied the Netherlands' folk's book, 
the Trouringh by Jacob Cats. He held to its descriptions on almost all occasions, and believed himself under an obligation to paint many 
Jewish heads in order to represent the biblical stories correctly. As soon as Rembrandt treated things seriously, he abandoned his interest 
in the Amsterdam ghetto. The father of The prodigal son (Petersburg) was divested of all Jewish attributes. He is a tall, old, Nordic man 
with intellectual, kindly hands. The regularity of the Nordic Italian artist was alien to Rembrandt as he did not seek to represent our 
thinking in atmosphere, tone colour symphonies and mystique. Nevertheless, his Christ in Emmaus (Paris) is likewise of Nordic 
sensitivity, as are the portraits of His mother (Petersburg). The splendid figure of Danae shows that Rembrandt could not represent true 
beauty other than as it hovered before the soul of Giorgione. One of the most sensitive portraits by Rembrandt is called Jewish bride, and 
it is compelling to have to affirm that even here every feature of Jewish beauty is lacking, replaced by robust, yet tender, Nordic feeling. 

Raphael's portraits not only show manly beautiful, powerful figures, as our philosophers of art have assured us, but they are 
embodiments of the same Nordic race soul that we see in the youthful self portrait by Raphael. A keen observer has correctly remarked 
that the Jesus child of the Sistine Madonna is frankly heroic in gaze and posture (Wolfflin). That is aptly expressed except that the 
fundamental ground is lacking as to why the apparent Jewish family had an heroic look to it. Here, only composition and colour 
distribution, not inwardness and dedication, are determining. These are the prerequisites to the success of a formative will, once again, 
the racial ideal of beauty. To see in place of the blond haired, light skinned Jesus child a blue black, woolly haired, brown skinned Jew 
boy would be an impossibility. Equally, we cannot think of a Jewish Mother of god or saint, even if the latter had the noble face of an 
Offenbach or Disraeli. The medium of expression of our soul has always been our Nordic racial art. It was the so called Christian 
churches which first gave us the possibility for such expression. But it must be remarked that, in this respect also, everything great has 
been realised despite the ancient biblical nature. A following of the old biblical spirit through a literal embodiment in art would have 
awakened only revulsion and derisive laughter. Had we followed Jewish Roman teachings of racial art types, we would never have had 
the beautiful Madonna of Holbein in Darmstadt, Raphael's women, or Botticelli's figures. 

One can follow these examples through the entire history of western art. Certainly there is often a mixture with other, western 
Mediterranean, eastern Alpine and Dinaric types, but, again and again, the Nordic racial beauty comes to the fore great and dominant, as 
the ideal and guiding star. Scarcely one in a thousand among us is shaped completely in accordance with this ideal. The appearance of 
many often is not in accord with the hereditary picture. The longing, however, which created and shaped, sought always to review itself 
in the same direction. One needs only to look at the head of Leonardo Da Vinci, at the self portrait of Tintoretto (Paris), the self portrait 
of the youthful Diirer it is the same racial soul which we see confronting us. 

The 19th century shows here, as in all things, a certain interruption since other problems — landscape, and so on — appeared in the 
foreground. In Germany, Uhde and Gebhard sought to continue in the sense of realisation of Nordic beauty, but they remained 
embedded in the past. They lacked the thrusting power of genius. Hans von Marees made efforts to adjust to the Greek form and tortured 
himself. In searching for beauty during his whole life he broke down — not surprising for he was half Jewish. Feuerbach also tried while 
living in the south. He, too, failed despite his material. The emergence of the city accelerated the work of racial destruction. The night 
cafes of the asphalt men were turned into studios. Theoretical, bastardised dialectics became the accompanying prayer of more and more 
new trends. We saw the racial chaos of Germans and Jews. Street families, alienated from nature, appeared on the scene. The result was 
bastard art. 

Vincent van Gogh, a broken man filled with longing, wandered forth to paint. He wished to return to the earth. His Peasant figure at 

The Myth of the 20th Century 67 



work was really modern, the heart of modern art which neither the Renaissance nor the Dutch school nor the Greeks could have done. 
He tortured himself for this ideal and vowed that if he had possessed the power earlier, then he would have painted holy figures. These 
would have been men like the first Christians. Today he would perish with this idea. He painted without thinking. He painted without 

racial spirit. His insane choices included: cabbages, lettuces, seemingly in order to calm himself down And Vincent painted apple 

trees, cabbages and paving stones of the streets. Finally he became absolutely insane. 

Gaugin sought ideal beauty in the south seas. He painted the race of his black women friends, melancholy nature, leaves rich in 
colour and the seas. He too was inwardly disintegrated like all of those who travelled the whole world seeking a lost beauty, whether 
their names be Bocklin, Feuerbach, Van Gogh or Gaugin. Eventually, this generation grew tired of its search and gave itself up to chaos. 

Picasso once copied the old masters with the greatest care and painted powerful pictures in between — one of them hangs in 
Moscow — in order to finally offer his Theory — illustrations in bright and dark coloured clay squares to a directionless public. The 
journalistic parasites seized greedily upon this new sensation, and grew enthused over a new epoch in art. But what Picasso still 
shamefacedly concealed behind geometric artifices, appeared openly after the world war with arrogant boldness. The bastard claimed to 
represent in his bastard miscarriages produced by spiritual syphilis, an infantilism as the expression of the soul. One should study long 
and attentively, for instance, the Self portraits of such as Kokoschka, in order — when confronted with this art of idiots — to grasp the 
horrible inner life of it. 

An idiotic self portrait of Kokoschka! 

Hanns Heinz Ewers tells a short story of a boy who was so unnatural of disposition as to take a special delight in people sick with 
elephantiasis. Our European intellectuality finds itself in an identical condition today which, through Jewish pens, worships the 
Kokoschka, Chagalls and Pechsteins as the leaders of the Art of the future. Features of degeneracy are already apparent, as, for instance, 
with Schwalbach, who risks representing Jesus as flat footed and bow legged. Louis Corinth shows a certain robustness, but this master 
butcher of the brush also disintegrated into clay corpse coloured bastardy: a Berlin under Syrian influence! 

Impressionism, originally carried by strong painting talents, was once the battle cry of an all disintegrating intellectualism. The 
atomist's study of the world also atomised colour. Natural science, dulled in understanding, found its outflow in the practitioners and 
theoreticians of impressionism. The Mythless world also created a Mythless art of sensuality. Men who wished inwardly to escape from 
this desolation collapsed. Van Gogh is a tragic example of unsatisfied longing gone insane. Gaugin is another tragic example of the 
attempt to make oneself free of intellectualism. Only those such as Paul Signacs went on painting, unhindered and unconcernedly 
pasting their colour pieces together. 

These men stood helplessly in their present. Their opponents, likewise without misgivings, had their backs to the future. The 
Homeric destiny which had once been promised to Bocklin had already been decided. To hang the Isle of the dead upon one's wall 
today has become an inward impossibility. The play of the nymphs in the waves forces a material upon us which we simply can no 
longer bear. The women with Grecian blue gowns under the poplars, along the dark stream; Flora striding through the field, the girl harp 
player on green earth — these are things which signify for us an artistic absurdity. 

Bocklin' s powerful originality is as it breaks forth eternally in his many works. But a generation of eclectics who, repelled by the 
atomistic teachings of the 19th century, looked back at the 16th century, felt Bocklin in his very weakness to be a refuge of German 
fantasy. The efforts to preserve for us this side of his nature have been of touching loyalty. Excessive fantasy had, however, to a great 
extent, not mastered life but rather, it galvanised antique models. It has taken hold forcefully and in a deceptive move of the media of 
representation. Bocklin is most powerful when he abandons allegories. Today, we think with the same lack of appreciation for many 
classical attempts, just as we wonder at Jacob Burkhardt who, in all seriousness, made art evaluating studies on the basis of imitation of 
Renaissance buildings of his own day. Such men, who surrounded themselves with furniture and pictures of the great times which 
represented, in a magical way, the birth of modern man in the Renaissance culture, had not any really great incentive to bring about the 
rebirth of man. Even if they knew this intuitively, they feared a positive conflict with the impressionist Zeitgeist. They withdrew from 
life and practised their talent on unfit objects. 

The entire tragedy of a Mythless time is also shown in the ensuing decades. Intellectualism was no longer desired. The endless 
colour dissections were despised. Proper feeling led to a seeking for release, expression and power. The consequence of this great 
tension was the abortion called expressionism. An entire generation cried out for expression but it had nothing at all to express. It cried 
out for beauty but it no longer had any ideal of beauty. It wished to reach creativity in life but it had lost every real formative power. 
Then expressionism became the mode and thus, instead of creating a new force, style forming, the downward trend continued. Inwardly 
undisciplined, primitive art was swallowed up by a corrupted generation. There was excessive praise of Japan and China, and all serious 
European Nordic art was attributed to Asia. 

Great talents like Cezanne and Hodler were defeated in their struggle for a new style, despite all attempts by their pupils to cling to 
these two as the standard bearers of a new will, and despite all attempts by literary critics to fabricate intellectual props under the effort. 

Thus a beer cellar mysticism alternated with cerebrism, cubism and linear chaos, until people became tired of all this and attempted 
again — vainly — to escape with the new wave of objectivity. 

The essence of all this chaotic development lies in the loss of that supreme ideal of beauty which, in so many forms and strivings, 
has been the supporting foundation of all European art creation. The democratic, racially destructive, doctrines and the folkish 
eliminating metropolis united with the deliberate Jewish work of decomposition. The result was that not only ideologies and ideas of 
state collapsed, but also the art of the Nordic west. 

Here we have arrived at one of the profoundest criteria for every study of art, but one which all academic aesthetes have always 
overlooked; indeed they have hardly suspected it. 

Aesthetics is, among other things, concerned with judgements of taste. It demands that a work of art should not only please one man 
but find universal recognition. The search for this universal law of taste has overheated heads for centuries. As a result, a prerequisite of 
all polemics has been disregarded: A work of art can only please if it moves within the framework of an organically bounded ideal of 

The Myth of the 20th Century 68 



beauty. Kant (Kritik der Urteilskraft, page 17), gave the definition that: 

Beauty is a form of purposefulness of an object insofar as this is viewed without the idea of its having a purpose. 

Here Kant expressed a profound thought, but he drew the mistaken conclusion that one must assume a common aesthetic sense. This 
aesthetic sense rests on a purely human mode of perceptive powers, that is, on the mental condition, and is universally communicable. 
With this, Kant deflected his search at a critical moment in a fateful direction. The beauty of the Venus of Giorgione has effect upon us 
as unconsciously purposeful. Every other truly racial beauty, that is, beauty that is conditioned by an organic soul, has the same effect. 
As a logical conclusion from the first Kantian perception, we recognise that the demand for universal validity of a judgement of taste 
denies the possibility of a racial ideal of beauty. Therefore, it extends only to those circles which, consciously or unconsciously, carry 
within their heart the same idea of beauty. 

Once we recognise this fundamental fact, we necessarily deny all prior aesthetic theories. Then and then only is the way prepared 
for a theory of the beautiful which finds the aesthetic related to the organic soul. We thus deny any atomistic individualistic aesthetics. 

In the effort to separate the aesthetic object from all nonaesthetic elements, the content is always separated from the form in order to 
obviate the eternal mingling of moral sermons and aesthetics. This necessary difference in methodology is not complete in itself. We 
must never overlook the most important of all things — the great spiritual content of Nordic Germanic art. The choice or separation of 
certain elements of spiritual content is for us a formative, entirely artistic, process. But since this was forgotten in the face of the one 
sided glorification — still falsely spread — of Greek art, an essential component of western art has been allowed simply to fall to one side. 
Surprise should not be expressed if the average citizen then fabricates a moral art from what has been left. 

This consequence appeared because the German aesthetes, fixedly staring at Hellenic art, declared that aesthetics is only concerned 
with beauty, that is, with the condition of easy freedom from moral necessities, mechanical pressure and spiritual tension. But this Greek 
beauty was only one — perhaps static — element of Hellenic life. However much we may debate whether it is architecture, sculpture, the 
epic or the tragedy which is the greatest legacy of Hellas, it is beyond doubt that inward and outward plastic art has been the beginning 
of the end of all Greek artistic activity. In Sophoclean tragedy this static plastic art is preserved. Even in the horrid works of Euripides, 
destiny appears less an inward state and development than as an interweaving of incomprehensible conditions and outwardly destructive 
essence. This same beauty in the art was a sin against the spirit of Europe. Our art was from the very beginning not adapted to a beauty 
based upon plastic, but upon spiritual movement. This means that it was not the external condition that became form, but the spiritual 
value in its struggle with other values or opposing forces. Through the choice of content as a standard giving impetus to the work of art, 
while conditioning its form, Nordic art is significantly adapted more to the personality and its enlightenment than was the Hellenistic. 
The highest work of western art is therefore not what is most beautiful but what best penetrates to our spiritual being, our souls. It is this 
factor of strong inward motive power that does not belong to Greek aesthetics. Rather, it is embodied in the Nordic west as a problem of 
form, and at the same time without relation to what is purely rational or moral. 

As in many other cases, Schiller displayed the correct insight out of instinct, and despite his prejudices for Greek art, although he 
did fail to draw the appropriate conclusions. He wrote: 

How much attention we pay in aesthetic judgements to power rather than to its direction; how much to freedom than to conformity 
is sufficiently revealed by the fact that we prefer to see power and freedom expressed at the expense of conformity rather than, 
conversely, at the expense of the former. Aesthetic judgement contains in this more that is true than one usually believes. Clearly, vices 
which give evidence of strength of will reveal a greater disposition to true moral freedom than virtues which borrow support from 
natural inclination, because it costs a rascal only a single victory over himself to turn all the consequence and strength of will which he 
wastes upon evil, to good. 

These words proclaim openly one side of the explanation. Why, for instance, are figures like Richard III and Iago able to have an 
aesthetic effect upon us? They have effect because of the power an inner law has upon us. Without that inner light we are tempted to 
make absurd moralising judgements. It is the power of this inner strength which reconciles us with everything. However, this has been 
so not only since Shakespeare, but it has been thus since the beginning of German art. The Song of the Nibelungen is the result of the 
power of true creativity in western art. This great story moves the soul and frees the spirit. Even in its poorest form it still shows 
perfected artistry of the highest order. 

I know that objections will be raised against the comparison of the Song of the Nibelungen with the Iliad because the historical 
development of the Greek and German people were not simultaneous. Nevertheless, a comparison is possible if one follows the eternal 
laws of form. If the Song of the Nibelungen is considered great enough to contrast with an artistic composition which is different from, 
but equal to, the Iliad, then we also find ourselves in disagreement with the Goethe who gave the assurance that one should not allow 
one's enjoyment of the great German epic to be diminished by comparing it with the Grecian: Too great a measuring rod was brought 
away from Homeros. 

The Iliad and the Song of the Nibelungen are often enough compared with each other, but only after long reflection by the 
Germanists, and only after an opinion that was long in coming from the Hellenists. The result of such comparison heretofore has always 
been that the Iliad stood far above the German poem. The worst that could be said of the Iliad was that it was quite violent. 

Today it is customary to reject these views which were born of a belief in the universal validity of Greek art canons. To admit that a 
work of art can present strong personalities means it was produced by a formative creative power of identical intensity. It is shaped 
differently from the Hellenic, but it is equal to it, especially in artistic quality. 

When we bring before our mind's eye the richness and living sculpture of the Iliad, the diverse ways, for example, in which 
Agamemnon stirred up his army leaders to battle and the recurrent descriptions of individual combats, then, by comparison, German 
heroic poetry does not seem so well defined. The latter' s technique is often clumsy. The descriptions repeat themselves here and there. 
These repeats are, apparently, later minstrel additions. The Song of the Nibelungen was never formally polished. Despite all this, the 
Nibelungen live, inwardly, a far more vivid life. Their deeds flow from the inward strength of will and struggle. They act according to an 
inner logic and a definite spiritual attitude. The interweaving of actions, born out of personal inwardness, intensifies the tragic contrast 

The Myth of the 20th Century 69 



which leads to catastrophe. 

From the start, it is naturally necessary to guard against the temptation of wishing to disparage Homeros as a creative artist. He 
shaped a world of gods for the Greek people which set the pattern for hundreds of years of racial artistry. But Homeros' s artistic attitude 
did not correspond to our own nature. His figures moved in the middle sphere of the human. They did not descend to mysterious 
spiritual depths. They showed no longing for the ultimate heights. Actions were not formed by an iron will. The characters do not appear 
as expressions of the divine powers of will of man himself. They are, rather, determined by externals. 

When, after a struggle lasting ten years, Troy had finally fallen, the cause of this conflict between peoples, a lady, was also freed. 
Helen appeared in the midst of the combatants. Homeros did not describe her beauty. Rather, he paid more attention to the impression 
she made upon her surroundings. The warriors who lost friends and brothers, who had suffered a thousand privations — they all found 
that it had been worth the cost, to have shed streams of blood for this woman, for this beauty. Such an attitude is truly Greek: whether 
Helen was inwardly worth being placed at the centre point of a drama between peoples, is unimportant. It is probably the case that the 
woman probably had felt just as much at ease with Paris as in the king of Sparta's bed. No kind of sorrow about her fate is recorded. 

A beautiful courtesan is thus the cause of war between two peoples. It is amazing that a woman was considered to be reason enough 
for war. Perhaps there are similar situations to be found elsewhere in history, but here a poet uses this fact as the foundation for a 
powerful work. Thus, in the choice of spiritual content, he already reveals a creative form which is entirely opposed to our nature. The 
demon working within is lacking or is pushed consciously to one side. Form and beauty appear in its place. 

Just as the smallness and seclusion of the Greek polis allowed the ordinary citizen a clear vision of the conditions which determined 
his life without placing an unbalanced demand on his capacity of judgement, so the Greek spirit is also shown of clear capacity for 
demarcation in art. This certainty of artistic aim is revealed just as much in Iktinos and Kallikrates as it is in Phidias, Homeros and 
Platon. Nothing remains without clear outline, except that less is unexpressed. Everything takes shape — if one may so put it — in a 
concentrated form, and clarified with an enlightening objectivity. Once this has been completely successful, then the Greek did not 
become tired of transforming endlessly the basic theme found in the most varied way. This is a peculiarity which Goethe often praised in 
his talks with Eckermann. 

There is nothing more magnificent than the manner in which Homeros elevates nature to an art form. We encounter no lengthy 
descriptions of nature. Rather he uses an atmospheric content, reflecting a mood, of the available material compressed into words. This 
wonderful, concise form used by Homeros has been the magic with which he has repeatedly held the centuries under his spell. It 
dominates all his works and breathes in all the details. It is a thing of everlasting youth and ever present immortality. 

Its uniqueness lies in its creative power of being able to look away from descriptions of nature, of immediately humanising them, of 
bringing them closer to us through powerfully portrayed likeness. Homeros always described the Achaeans themselves as bronze 
armoured. Achilles passed through his siege works as the agile runner, Hector walked with his bushy helmet waving before the gates of 
Troy; Hera, the fiery eyed goddess, courted Zeus; the Greek ships were exhaustively described by only two words: dark and arched. All 
this has an affect like the brush strokes of a great painter, who with one movement, compels the colour and line of a creature onto the 
canvas. This is form in its highest perfection. This is the joyous message of the Greeks. If Goethe made up a composite word, for 
example, morgenschon (in his poem Heidenroslein) — he used this form only once, then here the same artistic law is shown as that which 
formed the spiritual breath of Hellenic life. 

The Germanic poet selected and shaped in a different way. The spiritual content which is formed is not the person but a personality 
developed and determined by will. External events are only an occasion for the expression and consequence of a character — not its 
cause — or of the complete embodiment of the inward direction of the human will. Honour and loyalty appear in all forms as the 
motivating force at the beginning of Nordic art. Gudrun is carried off like Helen, but she does not surrender herself. She prefers service 
as a maid to a life in dishonour, although Hartmut, in his manliness and knightliness, represented an unequally greater, and more 
artistically based, cause for devotion than the sorrowful Paris. But beauty, and, above all, the pride and loyalty of the king's daughter, 
provided us with a satisfying artistic motif sufficient to cause the bloody battle on the Wulpensande to be fought. The tragedy of the 
Nibelungen is rooted in this inward justification: the inward character as the supreme value. If the personality of Siegfried had been 
portrayed as a good for nothing like Paris, the wifely love of Briinnhilde would not have been comprehensible to us. Her demonic 
womanly loyalty would have been credible to none. None of us would find the betrayal not only of the brothers but of all Burgundians 
understandable, human or artistically satisfying, if the figure of Siegfried had been represented as the dying god of spring, as a moon or 
sun god. At the moment when he appeared in a poem, as a personality he became content to be shaped. 

If perfect geniality is to be embodied anywhere, then it is here. Wherever Siegfried appears, all hearts fly to him. Where he could 
help, he placed himself without hesitation, selflessly and trustingly, in the service of chosen friends. Through love he invites — by the 
manner of his wooing Briinnhilde — guilt upon himself. And through this guilt he perishes. 

His adversary, Hagen, is a mixture of avarice and unconditional manly loyalty, a figure who, in its giant schematic delineation, 
represented artistically the strongest counterpart to the radiant Siegfried. He represented a type of unconditional courage which, in 
conclusion, thanks to Hagen' s consistency until his death, reconciled us with much of what he had violated. The encounter of 
Kriemhilde with Hagen and Volker at the court of Etzel is one of the most dramatic poetic images which can be conceived. The night 
watch by the two companions and the song of the minstrel are examples of splendid, manly poetry. 

With tragic necessity, the different natures conflict with one another as guilt and expiation, and give birth to new guilt, as honour 
fights against honour, loyalty against loyalty. This allegory embodies itself in a human character that is the powerful creation of Nordic 
Germanic nature as it appears from the very beginning, larger than life, in Germanic art. 

These forces, whether loving or fighting, are the material with which a great poetic synthesis has emerged. It is completely useless 
to debate how many hands have worked on the Song of the Nibelungen because it is clear that many poems have become one work. 

The latest researchers assert that the figure of Riidiger was the final addition added by a fifth poet. Nevertheless, this one was a great 
artist. In the whole world of literature one will search in vain for a personality of such simple inner greatness as that embodied in 

The Myth of the 20th Century 70 



Margrave Rudiger. One is compelled to recognise the spiritual force and power that exist in this new character. Foremost stands the oath 
of loyalty to his queen, the pledging of his manly honour which must triumph over all other forms. He faced old friends, guests whom he 
has guided around the land and to whom he has guaranteed protection. He faced even the betrothed of his only daughter. So Rudiger 
took death consciously upon himself with an iron will, although, with the defencelessness of Etzel and Kriemhilde, a strong temptation 
still grew to break his word. The idea of honour became the force that motivated all his actions. One should also consider in this 
reference the figure of Achilles, one of the most glittering heroic embodiments of all times, but who, because of a personal affront, left 
his entire people without a leader. Consider then the Margrave Rudiger, who, before his battle to the death, presented his shield to an 
opponent in order to confront him in full armour. One can estimate the gulf which exists here between figure and content. 

The souls of two peoples of a different type are at work, both of whom transformed nature into art. The one allowed its men to weep 
and laugh, love, hate and perform heroic deeds, but it did not make the will into an all motivating power; it left out personality as the 
shaping phenomenon, and it applied all love to the outer world. With word or chisel, it created a wondrous weapon to convey beauty; on 
the other hand, Nordic art dipped into the profoundest depths of the human will and mustered all powers of the soul into an inward, 
artistically conditioned whole, without granting formal beauty the decisive weight. 

Even the greatest works of men show a weak spot — even the Song of the Nibelungen. The relationship of Siegfried to Briinnhilde 
was not so completely well grounded in the present version as it was in the old traditions. This relationship found its final interpretation 
in the Edda. The Lay of Siegfried's death is one of the greatest expressions of Germanic nature. It is the song of love, loyalty, hatred and 
revenge. 

One must cease regarding these poets of our very early history as clumsy verse makers, as is the usual case. Despite all the 
patronising recognition by our experts on aesthetics, there are great characters in these poems. We must recognise these authors among 
the ranks of the world's greatest creative artists. Only an artist creates true characters, living personalities. Thus, figures which have 
remained a timeless allegory of our nature through the course of centuries, can only be the result of artistic genius and formative power. 

No nobler hero will ever stand 

in earth's sunshine than you alone, Siegfried. 

We understand Goethe when he says: 

Homeros writes with a purity before which one is awestruck 

— a remark which, in fact, refutes his other avowals about harmony. We believe we possess an appreciation of artistic self control 
and of the epic greatness of Homeros. We are correct if we think of the powerful creation of the Song of the Nibelungen as great art. If 
Homeros has been recognised as one of the greatest artists of all times and of all peoples, then it is time also to think of the Song of the 
Nibelungen in the same way. 

Thus, as allegories of folkish art, the two epics stand facing one another. One turns more toward the inner birth of clear form. The 
other wrestles with the tragic epic of spiritual struggle. Homeros mastered the material, the poets of the Song of the Nibelungen — and 
the creators of all Germanic poems — the spiritual content. These different aims are conditioned by temperament and reflections. Great 
works of art of different cultures cannot be measured with one and the same standard. Therefore one needs different philosophies of art 
for each in order to do justice to each essential type. Just as one cannot approach Michael Angelo with the standard used by Phidias, 
neither can one use just one standard when contrasting the Hellenic epic with the German. 

We will enter into individual details later. Previous reflections, however, now lead to another fact which is not only universally 
overlooked by aesthetes, but which is flatly denied by them: the existence of the aesthetic will. The denial of such a will is perhaps the 
most shameful chapter of German aesthetics. There is significant evidence to prove that European artists have struggled to achieve 
spiritual content and form. The professors of aesthetics have ignored this fact. It was a dogma that art was only concerned with apparent 
feelings, a nebulous kind of beauty, rising, untouched by life, from the dusty studies of scholars. For the sake of morality the will was 
lined with a protective shield that protected it from such lunacy. 

Richard Wagner wrote to Mathilde Wesendonck: 

They know that those like us look neither to the right nor left, neither forward nor backward. Time and the world are indifferent to 
us and only one thing determines us — the necessity for the releasing of our own will. 

Balzac confessed in Cousin Bette: 

Constant work is the law of art as of life, for art is idealised creation. The great artists, the complete poets, await neither command 
nor inspiration. They give birth today, tomorrow, always. From this follows the habit of labour, this constant knowledge of the 
difficulties which maintain them in permanent concubinage with the Muse, with the creative power. 

Such thoughts, unfortunately, have not reached the ears of our philosophers of aesthetics. It is high time to establish the presence of 
the creative aesthetic will. It exists in both artists and those who comment on their art. In becoming aware of the choice of spiritual 
content, and in the longing of the will, the essence of the Nordic western concept of beauty is revealed. It cannot be understood through 
biology. It can only be intimated. 

The essence of human existence is, bodily and spiritually, an ever renewed assimilation of material penetrating from the outside and 
being manufactured by our will. The formative will and the spirit seize the environment and the inner world. Such a formative process is 
mostly done through perception, but it may also be codetermined by an act of the will, whether this leads to the saint, researcher, thinker, 
statesman or artist. Every form is a deed. Every action is essentially a discharging of will. Our research into the psychology of art is 
almost exclusively concerned with how we appreciate and how we contemplate art. They believe this research is proper and justified, 
but we know that we must go beyond their research if we are to uncover the artistic will. Before motor sensory, emotional and 
intellectual influences of a work of art can be discussed, our point of departure must be clearly established. 

The law of perpetual motion is valid not only in the physical, but also in the spiritual, realm. It appears to us as self evident that the 
heroic will is restless and creates more of itself. Our scholars make special efforts to uncover the initial energy of a religious or political 
phenomenon. Huge volumes are written in order to link the thought structure of our times with particular thinkers of the past. This 

The Myth of the 20th Century 7 1 



activity by professors of philosophy is, even itself, frequently regarded as philosophy, so important does it appear. Systems of aesthetics 
are also exactly investigated and documented. Art and artists have been almost completely forgotten in the process. A special aesthetics 
will have to be constructed for them which will study the Nordic west. It may gaze at the southeast, or up into the clouds, and apply our 
standards of value to all European art. 

What was it that drove Beethoven to rush around Vienna during a storm? — to suddenly stand still, forgetful of the world? — to beat 
out a rhythm with his fists? What was it that compelled the impoverished Rembrandt to stand at his canvas until he literally collapsed? 
What occasioned Da Vinci to investigate the secrets of the human form? What drove Ulrich van Ensingen to make plans for his 
churches? Precisely, it was nothing other than artistic, aesthetic will. It is a power which, alongside the heroic and moral, must be 
recognised as a primal riddle if we wish to move beyond the level of our high school teachers of aesthetics. Nowhere has the upsurge of 
the will in art appeared so distinctly as in the Nordic west. We must emphasise this with the utmost clarity because the great sinful act of 
the 19th century was in omitting this fact. 

Inwardly, the Greek participated in an act of will at the hour of the birth of his art. There is a Greek legend which tells about an artist 
who loved his work so passionately that his love transformed dead stone into full blooded life. The creed of a universally shaping 
aesthetic will is laid down in this myth. The paintings on the Parthenon, Greek dance and the lost Greek music (from which all other 
Muses derive their name) made audible the thunder of the will much earlier than it appeared in our own times. 

Aesthetic sensitivity signifies a feeling of joy. Aesthetic mood is contemplation devoid of wishes, devoid of desires, in which the 
pure subject of perception arises in unblemished objectivity. So runs Kant's and Schopenhauer's teaching of aesthetics. Ninety nine out 
of a hundred philosophers of art have since written in the same way. Forming the basis of their judgement was the dogma which 
condemned our entire aesthetics to barrenness: the incredible assertion that an aesthetic will did not exist. Otherwise embittered 
opponents found themselves united with this. The fact is that behind every work of art, just as behind a religious creed, there is an active 
force at work. This fact has been generally overlooked. This absurd assertion by our aesthetes had reference to outlook, to ideas, to 
concepts, to dissections of the feeling of beauty. It ignored the fact that a shaping will lies at the bottom of every art creation. It is 
concentrated in the work and it necessitates a powerful action of the soul. Without such a will, all our other efforts are in vain. 

In the realm of art we experience a development parallel to a religious outlook on the world. A racial soul instinct creates works of a 
gifted, uncaptivated kind. It takes a far reaching hold on its environment, and autocratically alters its lines of power. When Wotan was 
dying and we sought new forms, Rome appeared on the scene. When the Gothic had ended its lifeline, Roman law and humanist priests 
of art appeared who sought to cripple us by application of new standards of value. With the rediscovery of Platon and Aristoteles, with 
the first discoveries of Hellenic works of art, the Nordic spirit, during a time of searching, seized upon the newly found art but with it 
also its late Roman falsification. 

We know that the ancient Greek ideal of beauty did not correspond to the Nordic, that it was predominantly the blood of its blood. 
Nevertheless, this Greek beauty was particularly an evidence of a sheltered culture. Among a divided, individualistic people, the Greek 
idea of art provided a certain stability, a common Myth. Physical beauty has never been the highest value of the Nordic west as has the 
formative will which manifests itself as honour and duty (Frederick and Bismarck), as drama of soul (Beethoven, Shakespeare) and, as 
concentrated atmosphere (Leonardo, Rembrandt). This will in art, bristling with power, was presented in the 15th century with an 
aesthetic standard originating from a completely different environment. The Renaissance shows the struggle between instinct and the 
new idea in art just as with the reformers in the religious domain. After the 16th century, pulsating with life, in north Italy, and the 
penetration of the Baroque, the apparent highest Greek value gained more and more in importance. The results of research into Greek 
antiquities (gems, vases, various paintings and portraits) showed that they were made under the auspices of a universal aesthetics. Greek 
forms were evaluated as purely human. Then arises the doctrine of contemplation devoid of will, followed by the denial of the aesthetic 
will. The Greek Myth of harmony and willed repose overshadowed the Germanic instinct — the urge to powerful personal confessions of 
faith and the unleashing of will. This split has lasted up to the present and only modestly do new outlooks appear now and then. 

Although our aesthetics had demonstrably drawn standards from Hellas, it proudly believed it could assume that its main features 
were universally purely human. As in state of life, so also in academic art, two archetypes of cultural life were accepted: individualism 
and universalism. This was a spiritual orientation which explained the ego and its interests as the starting and final point of thought and 
action, and which also wished to arrange this same ego into the laws of universality. The dangerous thing in this seemingly illuminating 
classification of types consisted in causing the universal to evaporate into the infinite. Universalism, only superficially splendid, led first 
to the international world church, to the world state, and later, to the Marxist International, and also to the democratic humanity of today. 
Universalism as a basic archetype of life is thus just as barren as individualism. The result, in the event of victory of one or other of 
these two outlooks on the world, must necessarily be chaos. Individualism gladly wraps itself in the universalist cloak which presents 
itself as good, moral and harmless. The matter is represented differently when both individualism and universalism are related to one 
another. Ego, race and people are the prerequisite of its existence. Each signifies the sole possibility of its secular salvation. But 
simultaneously, the generality which coincides with race and people finds its organic limitation. Individualism and universalism are, for 
themselves, straight lines into eternity. Related to race and people, they are rhythmically flowing powers, alternating forward and 
backward, standing in the service of racial commandments, making creation possible. This universal dynamic interpretation of life must 
also find its counterpoint in the study of western art. 

In art, there are thus three organic prerequisites to this study upon which, in the future, all European aesthetics must be based if the 
latter wishes to be a serviceable link in the life of the awakening Nordic west. There are: 

The Nordic racial ideal of beauty; the inner dynamic of European art, hence, content as a problem of form; and the recognition of an 
aesthetic will. These assumptions seem to lead us to discussions concerning the consequences of inward adjustment to the problem of art 
and to the popularised notion of Schopenhauer's teaching on the will. Until this is overcome, there can be no talk of clarification — not 
only in matters of art — and the essence of the aesthetic condition can be seen to be understood neither instinctively nor consciously. 

The Myth of the 20th Century 72 



Chapter II. Love and Honour 

Kant's words, now unfortunately reduced to triviality, that the starry heavens above us and the moral law within us constitute our 
existence without relationship to cause and effect, reveal a deep affirmation to a view of the world based on polarities and to a dynamic 
feeling of life. In reality, no true European has ever been able to exist creatively outside this basic presupposition, although in many, the 
longing for the elimination of opposites — for rest, for a static view of life, and for monism — has been enormously strong. Nothing is 
more typical of this longing and nothing proves the impossibility of monism for us more clearly than the case of Arthur Schopenhauer 
the Romantic, who believed he could master the full blooded dynamism of his nature with the flexible sword of reason. He broke down 
in the attempt. His explanation of the world as related to the will divorced him from the Indian thought which he believed he could 
equate with his own, even though the Indians did not regard salvation as an act of the will, but of cognition. Schopenhauer's powerful 
monistic attempt at a representation of the world as will and idea, however, disclosed a procedure, the knowledge and evaluation of 
which is fundamental for our outlook on the world, and, no less, for our comprehension of the nature of our art. 

Object and subject are necessary correlations to one another. Here is the point: the perception of a polarity. The point from which 
Schopenhauer proceeds. From here, he turns, on the one side, against dogmatic idealism which does not regard the principle of causality 
as a characteristic of man, but as an essential quality of the thing in itself which brings forth the object. On the other hand, he rejects that 
materialism which makes efforts to represent conceptual activity on the part of the subject as the result of forms and effects of matter. 

It is the great fault of materialism that it proceeds from what is objective because the object is preconditioned by the subject and its 
forms of viewing things, and thus, is not an absolute. Equally well, one could regard matter as a modification of the perception of the 
subject. Thus Schopenhauer places himself between dogmatic realism and dogmatic idealism. He took his starting point neither from the 
subject nor from the object, but from the idea as first act of consciousness. He agreed with Kant's doctrine of the ideality of space, time 
and causality, as pure, that is, nonempirical, categories of the mind which make experience possible. All his efforts in the first book of 
his principal work move directly toward proving this: that, if one regards matter as a thing in itself and attempts to explain the subject 
from this, then flaccid materialism results. If, on the other hand, one sees the subject as an absolute, then idealism results. If one 
separates object and subject, dualism results. If one asserts that both are one and the same, Spinozaism results. All these are dogmatic 
outlooks, against which we only know object and subject as two correlates, that is, being / object. 

We possess two intellects; the understanding — the capacity for perception of the causal connection (which we have in common with 
animals) — and reason, the capacity for abstraction (which is given to us alone). The function of the understanding is the formation of 
perceptions — the activity of reason, in forming concepts from which develop our language, science and our entire cultural spectrum. 

Reason is feminine in nature; It can only give after it has received. This points to the basic dogma of the Schopenhauerian 
philosophy: reason is a function of the brain. The world is unmasked as a phenomenon of the brain. Thinking is thus a process of 
separation similar to that of the secretion of saliva. 

The work of reason consists in providing knowledge of abstract judgements. Knowing means to have such judgements in the power 
of its spirit for involuntary reproduction which have their sufficient degree of perception of any something outside them. The object is 
thus idea as it appears to us in the conceptual forms of time, space and causality. Everything is in these forms and everything comes 
through them. As a result, the view of the world is strictly closed off and a loophole seems to have been left nowhere so that one might 
ascend or reach down to a primal ground. But Schopenhauer finds yet another side of the world. Surveying our reason, past and future, 
and the certain death of the consciousness, the question must be raised as to the whither and whence of man, as to the nature of time and 
the individual consciousness. Schopenhauer, who previously gave the assurance that the entire world was through and through idea, 
breaks out of his self imposed limits. 

But what drives us to investigate is particularly that it does not satisfy us to know that we have ideas, that they are such and such, 
and have a connection with this and that law of which general expression is each time the principle of causation. We wish to know the 
significance of these ideas. We ask whether this world is nothing other than idea, in which case it would pass over us like an 
insubstantial dream, unworthy of our attention; or whether it may nevertheless be something different, something in addition, and what 
this actually may be! 

No one up to now has been able to give more than a purely negative answer, an answer which was completely abstract, devoid of 
content and limited — The nous of Anaxagoras, the Atman of the Indians, the thing in itself of Kant. Schopenhauer now unveiled this 
thing in itself as the inner essence known to us in the most intimate way as the will. One cannot arrive at it from idea, as it is far more 
than an essence, and is fully alien to its laws and forms. The will can only be intuitively perceived. Man would like to regard the 
movements and actions of his body in the same way as the alterations of other objects in relation to cause, stimuli and motive. But he 
would only understand their effects as a connection to every other effect that appears to him with a corresponding cause. But this is not 
so, for the word will gives him the key to his own phenomenon, reveals to him the importance, shows him the inner driving force of his 
nature, of his activity, of his movements. 

The subject is thus given its body in a twofold way: In the first way it is idea, object among objects. It is subject to certain laws. In 
another way it is revealed through what is known directly to each, which is what the word will describes. And: 

Every act of the will is simultaneously an act of bodily motions, not as if the one may be cause, the other effect, but they are one and 
the same brought to consciousness in a diverse manner. The action of the body is nothing other than the more objective action of the will 
appearing in perception. 

I perceive the will not as something whole and perfect but only individual acts performed in time. I thus cannot imagine the will. It 
is without time and space. It is independent of ideas. The will is not subject to the principle of causation. It is groundless. It has the same 
essence in all phenomena. According to Kant this all belongs to the thing in itself. As such, it is free, yet, as a phenomenon, it is unfree, 
predetermined. Freedom thus lies behind us, never revealed in actions. It follows from this that our empirical character, as it approaches 
us in our actions, is unfree and unalterable. It represents the objective form of objects that are intelligible. The empirical character 

The Myth of the 20th Century 73 



behaves to the intelligible as phenomenon to the thing in itself. In its most profound form, the will objectifies itself in the sexual instinct, 
in an unconditional will to reproduce. It is an eternal wishing and striving which, after brief satisfaction, is driven anew by lust, 
following these devilish characteristics unceasingly and remorselessly. 

Not only in man does the will approach us as the thing in itself; it is the driving momentum in the whole of nature. In fact, it 
objectifies itself most perfectly of all in man. If we observe the powerful, restless urgency with which the waters hasten into the depths, 
the persistence with which the magnet turns again and again toward the north pole, the violence with which the poles of electricity strive 
to reunite and which — particularly like those of human wishes — are heightened by opposition; when we see the crystal rapidly and 
suddenly shoot upwards, then it will — according to Schopenhauer — cost no great effort of the imaginative power, even from a great 
distance, to recognise our own nature, dimly and tacitly, but no less illuminatingly than the manner in which the first rays of dawn share 
the sunlight with full midday. That is the will. 

Accordingly, there are various stages of objectification of the will seen in the forms of Platon. They are those middle sections which 
are inserted between the two worlds: idea and will. These two forces establish an otherwise incomprehensible mutual relationship. Thus 
it is a plurality without a principle of plurality. At the lowest stage, the universal forces of nature — gravity, impenetrability, rigidity, 
elasticity, electricity and magnetism — display themselves. They are also, like our own will, groundless, and, like the latter, only their 
individual phenomena are subject to the principle of causation. They are a QVALITAS OCCVLTA. At a higher stage of the 
objectifications of the will, we see the individuality appear more and more with man and beast, chiefly with the former. It is here that the 
essence of the universe is revealed. The struggle for existence causes the will to make itself manifest. The universal struggle in nature is 
visibly revealed in the animal world which has the vegetable world for its nourishment, and in which in turn every animal becomes the 
prey and food of another. An animal can only maintain its existence through the constant elimination of a stranger — so that the will to 

live, without exception, consumes itself until, at last, the human race regards nature as a product for its use. Fearful and insane is this 

power which — through so much diversity and expenditure of strength and so much feeling of sexual happiness, cleverness and 
activity — has only an ephemeral and fleeting feeling of happiness in copulation and the satisfaction of satiation to offer as a 
counterbalance. Effort and reward stand in no direct ratio to one another. Everywhere, Schopenhauer sees universal privation, ceaseless 
effort, constant pressure, endless struggle 

Only a blind will could find itself in such a predicament. In inorganic nature the entire struggle proceeds of its own accord. This 
struggle is based on the unalterable laws of cause and effect. In the plant kingdom, movements follow stimulation, that is, causes call 
forth effects which are not identical. Finally, motive and perception appear as conductors of our animal actions. All this occurs 
legitimately. No place is left for freedom of reason. Reason and ideas are subordinate organs. 

Perception of both intuitive and rational types emanates from the will at the higher stages of objectification, since man necessarily 
needs capacities other than those of an inorganic nature. It is thus originally placed completely in the service of the will, although very 
great men are able to withdraw from this yoke. Perception functions solely as a clear mirror of the world. 

The world as idea has sprung from the will! In spite of Schopenhauer's initial reservation against asserting a causal continuity, here 
causality appears, even if cloaked. The results are as follows: reason is only a reflex, that is, it is a feminine capacity through and 
through. It is conditioned by the notions which are determined necessarily through perceptions. Reason is thus uncreative. We are 
unfree. Our actions are necessarily determined through motives, be they actual or imaginary. Our intelligible character is shaped behind 
men. This character lies outside of necessity. It is innate in life and it is unalterable. Thus it is subject to the principle of causation. 

Our reason, underdeveloped and captive though it may be, may elevate itself and conquer our demonic will through an excess of 
intelligence as a potent subject of perception. We may overcome the fearful power of the will. We see this in the genius of the true artist, 
who, freed of his will, is able to represent pure nature objectively. It occurs as well in the phenomenon of saintliness, a condition in 
which reason is successful in transforming passing aesthetic forgetfulness into permanent willless contemplation. The saint sees through 
the illusion of the world and denies the will to live. 

The end of man, despite his efforts and torments, is nothingness. Schopenhauer wrote: 

Before us remains, at all events, only nothingness. But that which strives against this dissolution into nothingness, namely, our 

nature, is indeed only the will to life But if we turn our gaze away from our own need and look to those who have overcome the 

world, those in whom the will arrives at full self knowledge, then we find only a transition from wishing, to fearing, to the unknown. 
Instead of unsatiated hope we find peace which is higher than all reason. A total oceanic calm of the heart such as Raphael and Corregio 
represented. Only perception is left, the will has vanished. But we then gaze with deeper and more painful longing upon this condition, 
alongside which our sorrowfulness and hopelessness, by contrast, appears fully exposed. Nevertheless, in the final analysis, 
contemplation is the only thing which can console us. If we, on the one side, suffer endless sorrow and enduring lamentation as the 
phenomenon of the will of the world; and on the other side we are able with elimination of the will, to see the world dissolve and only 
empty nothingness remain before us, we shall accept it willingly. What remains after total elimination of the will, for those who are still 
driven by it, is obviously nothingness. But conversely, to those in whom the will has turned away and has denied itself, this apparently 
real world of ours with all its suns and milky ways — is nothingness. 

It does not fall within the scope of this book to discuss Schopenhauer's entire philosophy, but only to emphasise those points which 
might be helpful for a judgement of the laws of life as they are expressed in ideology, science and art. 

The central notion of the Schopenhauerian philosophy, the will, must be singled out at the start. It is represented as what is known 
and what is given to each of us directly. But if the word will is spoken, then in the consciousness of every mind still not hypnotised by 
Schopenhauer, there appears in the most intimate sense the familiar principle beyond interpretation which, despite inborn egoism, often 
speaks within us. It has, many times in the history of peoples, produced indescribably powerful figures. We think of the spiritual power 
of the German mystics, such as Luther; the dedicated lives of many men fighting for an idea; the figure of the overcomer of the world 

The Myth of the 20th Century 74 



from Nazareth — in short, all the personalities who have represented free will as opposed to tyranny. We may think of them when we 
seek the essence within us, which is described by the word will, and is said to be known to us in the most intimate sense. But the more 
we read of Schopenhauer, all the more does it appear that this idea of the will must be false and childish. In fact, the will is completely 
different from all other phenomena. It is groundless and mysterious. It is a powerful and aimless urge which stumbles from desire to 
desire. It is alive within man and beast. It is revealed in plant and stone. It causes the water to thunder down the rocks. It causes the 
magnet to draw iron and the plant to shoot upward. It causes a man to be attracted by a woman and one creature to destroy another. 

The will, then, which is assumed to be a unity, forces its way through a proliferation of ideas into a diverse physical world. It calls 
forth its objectification and kindles at its highest stage a light — the intellect — which is completely dependent on it and born to its 
service. It looks in all directions for reward, always showing obedience to its master. It outlines the world as idea. We experience the 
strange fact that the brain — which is the prerequisite for the ideas of time and space — arises in time and space, so that it is 
simultaneously both subject and object of idea. This recalls the old riddle as to which came first, the chicken or the egg. 

Schopenhauer actually completed his philosophy in the first book of his principal work. He showed there that everything could be 
reduced to idea, that all time, space and causality had the conditional prerequisite that we are completely unfree. He left no door open to 
the reason, that subordinate organ, and restricted its entire capacity to idea. As a result, all his later philosophy follows this doctrine. 

But the will, which otherwise so purposefully calls forth its objectivity, (why it does so remains an eternal secret) committed an 
indiscretion which is all the less understandable as the assurance is expressly given that the functions of the body are everywhere 
measured throughout by the will. The brain is provided with an excess of intellect. Some men suddenly rebel, abandon this thing in itself 
and see through the disastrous will, and then exist as pure subjects of the perception creating eternal works of art, becoming saints. We 
do not know the origin of the power of the tertiary organ, the intellect, to suddenly enforce obedience upon its invincible tyrant, the will. 
We do not know, but without his assertion, the disciple of Schopenhauer does not agree unconditionally to objectification of aesthetics, 
ideology, and so on. 

What is essential above all is the recognition that the phenomenon of having linked the natural and metaphysical into a uniform 
monistic system has been made possible here with the interplay of two completely different interpretations of what is to be understood 
by will. I have not found this idea expressed adequately anywhere. Admittedly, Rudolf Haym, in his study of Schopenhauer, very 
energetically rejects the will as the principal explanation of nature. J. Volkelt elaborates the contradiction in the interpretation of will, 
but wishes to uphold the supremacy of the will. K. Fischer is woefully inadequate in his explanation of the will. Houston Stewart 
Chamberlain completely rejects the doctrine of the will (falling into another extreme). It seems to me that universally too little weight 
has been placed on the dual use of the term. 

Some years before publication of his principal work, Schopenhauer had regarded the will as something great and holy. He says this: 

My will is absolute, standing above all corporeality and above nature. It is holy in origin, and its holiness is without limitations. 

But later his idea of the will recognised its metaphysical power. The will took on shimmering colours and, like a chameleon, it was 
blended in permanently throughout Schopenhauer's entire work. 

Schopenhauer is of the opinion that it is for acts of the will that we are responsible for that which we can alone be made responsible, 
since the intellect is a gift of god and nature. The will is used here in the sense that is directly contrary to the will, as it ordinarily appears 
in Schopenhauer. Normally it is an aimless and unalterable egoistic instinct. 

When Schopenhauer sets up the world as a purposeful whole in which everything relates to everything else in an incomprehensible 
harmony, this again does not agree with the concept of a blind will. His expedient qualification that the will is, in fact, irrational, yet acts 
as if it were rational, is far too unsatisfactory. 

If ideas are to represent stronger or weaker objectification of the will, then a measuring capacity will be attributed to an aimless 
entity insofar as the more it grows objective, the more differentiated it becomes. 

Any ideological version of nature is abandoned in Schopenhauer's system. I understand a human action as such only when I realise 
its purpose, that is, only when I presuppose creative will striving for an aim. But if I see nature as striving constantly for aims as much 
unconsciously as purposeful, then I presuppose an ordering principle, irrespective of how it was created, in advance of any insane, blind, 
aimless will. 

One thing must be understood clearly. With the one word will, two fundamentally different concepts must be described. The one 
alludes to a principle opposed to the whole of nature with its striving directed solely and simply at self preservation; the other 
characterises the essence of egoism. In short, we must distinguish will and instinct. Will is always the opposite of instinct, and not 
identical with it, as Schopenhauer seemed to teach. The difference between will and instinct is not quantitative but qualitative. If I feel 
that here Schopenhauer was right — that an animal lust directed completely at the senses and subconsciously appearing within the circle 
of consciousness unassailably dominates and reveals its entire purpose particularly in its existence and its assertiveness — so can I, if I 
am a poet, also conceive a similar instinct in the plant and mineral realms. 

I cannot make poetic analogy into the foundation of a philosophical conception of the world. I cannot do this rationally either 
without being caught up in a vicious circle. I am forced to establish that the other factors work against desire, other factors that embody 
other principles. Reason is coextensive and conterminous with this principle. It alone can overcome the yoke of blind instinct. It must be 
partially or totally conditioned through the brain, but it is not produced by it. An organ simply cannot conceive itself. 

I am forced to admit that my will is divided into two parts: sensuously instinctive and supersensuously willed. These are the two 
souls which Faust felt within his breast. Only a blind dogmatism can represent these two separate principles as one and the same. If 
Goethe heard, completely softly, but very perceptively, a voice which told him what was to be done and what should be avoided, then it 
was passion which forced him into the opposite direction. The moral side of man accordingly rests upon a categorical moral law which 
rules within him. Otherwise, moral prayers would be a source of laughter, and both Christ and Kant would seem to have been really 
stupid men. Must and Can presuppose each other. Without freedom there is no feeling of responsibility, no morality, no spiritual culture. 

In conclusion, Schopenhauer turns himself upside down. If instinct — which stirs so powerfully, discerned by the tertiary reason — 

The Myth of the 20th Century 75 



suddenly whispers softly and begins benignly to purr, then this is a consequence which much have caused him headaches at times. The 
flexible sword of reason cannot solve world conflict through cognition alone. Either one proceeds from the factual and recognises the 
possibility of victory of the will over instinct, or one makes a violent sweep and declares the whole world to be unfree and, as a result, 
gives up every possibility of purification. The former is the viewpoint taken by Christ, Da Vinci, Kant, Goethe; the latter is that of the 
Indians and Schopenhauer. But the latter somehow allowed a single appearance in the world of freedom as the sole exception. The You 
shall, over which so much derision is generally unleashed, appeared in conclusion as DEVS EX MACHINA. A moral power suddenly 
appears in chaotic, aimless instinct and the moral world order, upon which Schopenhauer justifiably lays much weight, was saved. 
Otherwise, Schopenhauer's original will recognises only the physical, not the moral, sphere. 

Thus Schopenhauer, when he teaches the denial of the will, also includes the denial of instinct and affirmation of the will. But this is 
an illogical aspect of the whole system, and it tears it apart completely. What Schopenhauer taught, with zeal and energy, was that 
instinct formed the essence of the universe and of man, and that it was identical with the will. What he admitted with joy, but which was 
incompatible with his system, was that the will is, at the same time, morally redeeming, that outside instinct and tertiary understanding 
man still represents something quite different. The moral will, as it appears in the last book of the World as will and idea, denies the 
entire teaching of his first books, and Schopenhauer later admitted in a letter, when pressed by troublesome inquiries, that the matter was 
naturally a kind of miracle 

This compulsive monistic view of the world is torn apart, and no amount of time will bind it together again. What Schopenhauer 
said later about individuality being rooted in the thing in itself and its transitoriness is beautiful, and does all honour to his overcoming 
of self, but, however, it does not accord with his everlasting derision about self. He says (letter of March 1st, 1859): 

It follows that individuality does not rest solely on the principle of individuation and is therefore not mere appearance. It is rooted in 
the thing in itself, in the will of the individual, for a man's character is, itself, individual. But how deeply the roots go, belongs to 
questions for which I do not accept responsibility. 

So writes the man who claimed that he had found the philosopher's stone, and the principle of world unity, and who despised 
everyone who did not unconditionally concede that this was so. 

If instinct, veiled as will, is to represent a principle of unity, then it is not the unity of the entire man but only one aspect of him, the 
natural. Schopenhauer undertook to carry this through in a brilliant manner. That he interpreted instinct as the predominant principle is 
not materialistic, but it is certainly naturalistic monism. 

Comparisons are often made between a man and his teachings. We frequently discover glaring contrasts between the two. It is true 
enough that this man, who in all seriousness regarded himself as the founder of a religion and preached denial of the world, lived a 
seemingly comfortable life as an established patrician. He was afflicted with a grotesque anxiety about his health and well being. 
Because of an unpleasant dream and out of fear of cholera, he left Berlin. He lived in Frankfurt on the ground floor of a house so he 
could save himself quickly in case of fire. When visiting, he always carried his own drinking glass with him so that he did not expose 
himself to the dangers of infections from dirty cups. Here, his own will makes its appearance with a vehemence amounting almost to 
sickliness. Schopenhauer was possessed by an almost demonic fear of death. He was also possessed by a brutal egoism and filled with a 
fury when anyone opposed him. He was, at the same time, a worldwide intellect in whose inspired insight and illumination of spirit 
thousands of spiritual revelations were captured. He had an amazing insight into many problems and wrote in a German style of 
splendour, colour and clarity as only a few among the very great can. 

On the other hand, he had only rarely felt that quietly perceptible voice of which Goethe and Kant spoke. It appeared merely as an 
indefinable longing. He was unable to grasp the subtlety of Schleiermacher or the greatness of Fichte. He was oppressed and stifled by a 
boundless presumption and spoke only with malicious delight about the weaknesses of those he encountered in life. 

The description of a man who cannot be compared in some clever book but is an image of nature with all its contradictions suits 
none better than Arthur Schopenhauer. Certainly, the contrast between instinct, insight and will was seldom concealed so widely in one 
heart. At an advanced age he noted with satisfaction that his sexual instinct had weakened, and from then on his words about fame 
noticeably diminished in favour of a fundamental pessimism. At age 70 he wrote: 

The fact that the old testament sets life at from 70 to 80 years would trouble me little, but Herodotos also says the same in two 
passages. There is more to it. Only the holy Upanishad says twice: The life of a man is 100 years that is a consolation. 

Schopenhauer had earlier deeply felt the inward conflict of his two natures. His principal work was not written — as many superficial 
philosophers assert — by an onlooker at the theatre of life, as a participant in the grip of a demon. Otherwise with his intellect he would 
easily have discerned the discordant parts of his work which were, in fact, the reflection of his real experience. Since Schopenhauer 
often felt himself writhe in the thrall of a powerful instinct, so the surrounding world also seemed to him irrevocably given up to this. As 
he saw his own intellect expand, so he allowed the yoke of instinct to be theoretically stripped away from his path. Just as he himself 
possessed only a powerless feeling of foreboding as far as free will was concerned, so the moral order of the world only made a 
shameful appearance at the end. Schopenhauer preached as man's longing that the recognition of instinct could alone lead to its 
overcoming. But he himself, in spite of all insight, was unable to realise it. If such an intelligence as his could not achieve this, then his 
imposing personal creed, the World as will and idea, is automatically self judging. Schopenhauer had not seen or, from sickly adherence 
to a dogmatic outlook, had not wished to admit that even a theoretically profound philosophy cannot on its own help abate the 
appearance of a factor over which all truly great men have been disposed: the will mastering or overcoming impulse. If Buddha 
recognised instinct as bringing suffering, then this is only one side of a man's nature; but when he conquers it through vital action, then 
the act of willing is the other. If Christ acted against the generation of vipers, if he took death upon himself for the sake of an idea, then 
this is the effect of a principle of freedom opposed to the mere life instinct which no argumentation can abolish, and which is certainly 
founded on instinct alone. 

The independent conscience is the way Goethe understood it — making its appearance like a moral sunrise, a principle which 
Schopenhauer believed he had overcome while he smuggled it into instinct in order to then allow both to shine through. 

The Myth of the 20th Century 76 



The philosophy of Arthur Schopenhauer is a vessel filled with precious things which is held together by the iron hand of a robust 
individuality. Now that this stricture has burst, all parts, beautiful as they are, lie scattered among one another. His personality did not 
suffice for a perfectly rounded work, and his philosophy was the tragic dream of a despairing seeker. The will, in whose splintered 
assertions and upon whose occurrences the genial world spirit plays its ingenious melodies, can only be genial itself. But the will, which 
to him is only a groundless, aimless, blind urge, is a purely animal instinct. The former is a principle creative of value; the latter is 
uncreative, destructive. The former reveals to us the positive in human nature; the latter reveals the negative side. All great artists and 
saints are filled by the first. They have formed it in practice as a work of art and as life. Through it and through reason, with its 
formation of ideas, it has directed instinct into paths where it found its allotted place as a material of creativity. Arthur Schopenhauer 
also wished to take this path, and failed because his intellect lacked the will. This is the tragedy of his life and work. As such a tragedy, 
Schopenhauer will always be accorded our respect, but as the example of an heroic — in its powerful, truly European — struggle for the 
essence of this world, he gambled everything on one card and failed. But Schopenhauer, when completely divorced from Indian thought, 
admitted that the highest a man could attain was an heroic course of life. This is a particularly Nordic creed such as cannot be more 
beautifully found elsewhere. Therefore, Arthur Schopenhauer belongs to us. 

This critique of Schopenhauer's philosophy seems particularly important for what I wish to say in this book. Today, his writings are 
found not only on the tables of professors, but also upon those of businessmen and, thanks to their glittering style of persuasive art, have 
found their way into wide circulation. The notion of will is, as a result, current in all places, and is certainly now mostly regarded in the 
Schopenhauerian sense as a blind urge even if another interpretation unconsciously accompanies it. It is necessary to subject this 
conception of the will to a brief investigation and to reveal its self contradiction, or to interpret it as instinct and nothing else. The will 
must be grasped in its original purity as a principle of freedom working against egoistic impulses, as Kant and Fichte believed, if one 
wishes to clearly reestablish a foundation for a Nordic vital feeling. But this critique is also of fundamental importance to the 
understanding of European art and its spiritual effect. If I speak of a view of art which does not reject the will, then I do not wish to 
maintain the impossible assertion that art must have effect upon impulse, instinct upon Schopenhauer's will, but that works of art, and 
especially a definite group of them, do not turn toward the subject of perception immersed in contemplative mood, but aim particularly 
at the awakening of a spiritual activity of a will. 

One of the most important insights into the nature of everything human is the recognition of the fact that man is a creature that 
shapes. At the basis of all his spiritual and rational activity lies striving for change. And only in this manner can he gain power over his 
environment, and grasp it as a unity. He also uses his powers to form his own inwardness, projecting this outward as religion, morality, 
art, scientific ideas and philosophy. Five propensities live in man; each demands an answer: 

1-In art he seeks outward and inward form; 

2-in science, he seeks the truth in correlating judgement with natural phenomena; 

3-from religion he desires a penetrating supersensuous symbol; 

4-in philosophy he demands harmony of willing and perceiving; 

5-in morality he creates for himself the necessary guiding principles of action. 

Each time a man enters one of these five regions, another formative and active will makes itself known. This striving of will and 
perception is not to be discerned from the whole of nature. There are tendencies which face instinct and its satisfaction either 
indifferently (science, philosophy), or draw both into the realm of their formative activity. One must distinguish between these different 
attitudes of spiritual power which go back to reason and will and unite in the soul, in personality, and which signify the Myth of a race. 
The differentiation can be performed naively unconsciously or philosophically consciously. In whatever manner and from whatever 
colourful emphasis of individual inclination this proceeds, it depends also on the multifariousness, the rich diversity of a culture as the 
expression of a race of definite soul. 

Chapter III. Personality and Style 

Space is simultaneity: the essence of time is a sequence. Space is only conceivable as rest; time measurable only by motion. A static 
artistic soul will therefore always prefer the spatial arts and emphasise a spiritual juxtaposition to the other arts more than sequence and 
separation. Again, a dynamic creative power will seek to realise all qualities of external and inward motion in its art, that is, to master 
the arts of time (music, drama) and also represent development and growth in the spatial arts. It will make efforts into one moment. 
Therefore, for example, the painting of the west is, in the first place, portraiture. This signifies that the highest inward motion must be 
charmed into a necessary spatial form: the dynamic of Da Vinci and Michael Angelo was so shaped, and such a dynamic is always to be 
equated with the unleashing of will. 

These reflections are fundamental for grasping the essence of antiquity and of the past in general. If one has recognised that Hellas 
was artistically static, then Europe represented a will of dynamic art. The consequences of this different spiritual orientation were two 
types of style which I wish to call the Objectivity style and the Personality style. 

Every serious student of the laws of art has seen himself compelled to recognise at least a duality of creation. As was established in 
a discussion of the Schopenhauerian notion of the will, the latter' s metaphysical doctrine was shattered by an unnatural mixture of two 
tendencies in the act of willing. Instinct and will oppose the intellect on a common front; in fact, both are a form of willing, but in 
divergent directions. Artistic creation as such is admittedly always a free style, but here a primordial formative will separates artists into 
at least two groups according to strength. This is not a new discovery. One kind of art has been called Apollonian, the other Dionysian. 
These terms attempted to describe both differences in mood and differences in style of artistic creation. But it was basically false to 
transfer these concepts, inseparably linked with the Hellenic spirit, to the art of other peoples. Nordic western art is never solely 
Apollonian, that is, serene, balanced, harmoniously formal, and never solely Dionysian, that is, solely sensually excited, ecstatic. One 
cannot even find the German words to capture the full spirit of Hellenic art. A German must personally view Kallikrates, Phidias, 

The Myth of the 20th Century 77 



Praxiteles, Homeros and Aeschylos, the Greek ancestral cults and Bacchic games, grave memorials and beliefs in immortality, in order 
to grasp what the Apollonian and Dionysian styles intended to convey. 

Schiller attempted to interpret the duality of art creation (restricted solely to poetry) as naive and sentimental. As a result, he strayed 
down many a blind alley and was compelled to describe both Homeros as well as Shakespeare as naive poets. His acute understanding, 
however, saved him from a complete impasse. Even if he held firm to the rigid dogma of aesthetic contemplation in each of his essays, 
there is nevertheless rooted there a quantity of sharp observations which reveal our essential Nordic nature. Every German ought to be 
familiar with his Aesthetic letters, Concerning the naive and sentimental art of poetry, Concerning charm and dignity, Concerning the 
pathetic, Thoughts on the use of the common and the base in art, and so on. 

The customary division into an idealistic and naturalistic style is neither formally enlightening nor otherwise revealing. Germanic 
art has always been both. Da Vinci, who recommended that his pupils even study the dirty marks on a wall, and who at the same time 
drew the head of Christ and Diirer; who with microscopic faithfulness painted a tiny hair or the wing of a bird, created Death, knight and 
devil, and the Little passion — both were idealists and naturalists simultaneously. Rembrandt was not frightened away by a description of 
human bestiality, yet he created The prodigal son. Griinewald spares no representation of tortures while alongside this he also painted 
The resurrection. Goethe wrote The Blocksberg witches sabbath and the CHORVS MYSTIC VS. European art was never idealising in 
the saccharine sense familiar to us. It was never anxious to avoid or to soften nature. The formative path of western artists lay far more 
through nature, and before nature was finally surpassed it had been given ruthless expression. 

It was not an ideal of harmonious beauty in the sense of antiquity which prevailed in Europe, but the ideal of a new aesthetic will 
ruthlessly embodying itself. 

If he wishes to reveal the nature of our art, one cannot write a mere philosophy of the beautiful and harmonious. He cannot apply the 
standards learned in antiquity. The concept of the beautiful must — in order to be used generally — receive an enlarged meaning. For us 
what is beautiful in the Nordic racial ideal must consist in the inner radiance of a meaningful will working on material things. 

The beauty of the Ninth symphony of Beethoven is fundamentally different from the beauty of a Greek temple. Rembrandt's head of 
Titus (in Petersburg) reveals a different kind of beauty of the soul than the Apollo of Praxiteles. 

Greek beauty consisted in the shaping of the body, while Germanic beauty consists in the shaping of the soul. The one signifies 
outward balance, the latter inward law. The one is, as a result, an objective; the other is a personal style. 

The descriptive term typifying and individualising style has often been used. Since research is usually not carried out more far 
reachingly, then one may be of the opinion that the artist looked more away from incidentals and saw only the great features of 
character. The individualising artist particularly loves such whims and personal peculiarities. Through observation the problem of style 
is only grasped as a method and not as an artistic necessity. One can read page after page on how one artist pursued one, then another, 
style in order to work in his spirit. But it is mostly omitted that it is a matter of inward events, so many profound scholars come to the 
conclusion that Faust is the result of individualising, and at the same time, a typifying, style. 

The inner development of personality cannot be grasped in this manner. If personality, individuality and subjectivity are set up as 
one and the same, then confusion is the inevitable consequence. 

The typifying and individualising styles are not two methods which men from all peoples have used according to their need, but 
objective and personal styles are essential laws of artistic creation among particular peoples and, in a narrower sense, of individual 
artists themselves. Identical words are never like coins of identical value. Depending on context one must agree concerning the 
predominant meaning of a term, and, if possible, choose more specific words for other shadings. Personality (will plus reason) is a 
power representing the spiritual in man opposed to the material. In a narrower sense it is the inward and ceaselessly active force of his 
inward essence, the primordial riddle of the Germanic soul. Persona (instinct plus understanding) is the body of man and his interests. 
Individuality signifies the indivisible union here on earth of person and personality. Individual treatment refers to this unity, a personal 
treatment by a personality. 

Our object is always the world. The strength of the objectivity of art is dependent on the strength and diversity of these attitudes. 

He who found fundamental differences between the objective and subjective directions of creativity saw himself occasioned, 
through his investigations (which were not pursued further) to contrast with objectivity only subjectivity, that is, arbitrariness or a mood 
based upon feelings opposed without power, style forming, to the object value. Therefore many philosophers — in order to protect the 
great artists from this interpretation — also described crystal clear objectivity as their essence — as the sole measuring rod of the highest 
art. It is now necessary to cast away the dogma of the universal validity of the measuring rod of objectivity. 

Goethe once made a remark that it was his opinion that something objective in nature corresponded to every personal will, that is, 
that every personal artistic act of will could be transformed into an objective conformity, into an organic law, and that its counterpart 
could be found there. This completely fixed, personal alignment to the world of matter led to the great inward organic deeds of the 
Romantic and Gothic eras, although the two stand quite alone in their inner unity. This self evident feeling, when confronting the 
cathedrals of Rheims, Ulm and StraBburg, has long caused us to overlook what violence has been done in these works to the stone 
material. We have not paid heed to what great formative power of penetration, what strong inner artistic power must have belonged to 
these artists in order to render such brittle material serviceable to an idea. It must, therefore, be made clear. It had still not occurred to 
other peoples to create glittering, pointed designs out of stone, and build towers with these blocks. The block of stone, the relief, the 
massive sculpture earlier signified the art of monumental sculptors. In the Gothic era a new spirit appeared. And yet, the StraBburg 
cathedral is: it stands there, as if having grown out of the ground. It has an objective effect. A remarkable state of affairs is revealed here. 
The weightiest artistic personality everywhere carries form with it as gravity, that is, it carries a living law with it. If, after several 
violent attempts artists discovered the means of mastering the material, then a work of art is, in the end, an organically effective creation. 
True personality at first hostilely faces the object to be altered, then the latter is forced to answer to a formal will. When this occurs, 
personality style is the result. 

The subjectivist is not dominated by a direction of will (not even in an individual work) but by inward and outward contingencies. 

The Myth of the 20th Century 78 



Subjectivism signifies in every respect, and on every domain, the violent mastery both of the personality and of the object. It is often a 
charming playfulness or repellent misshapenness — from the aspect of form — and a sensuous teasing, lunatic anarchy or unrestrained 
lust — as feeling — that is made manifest without an inner or outer law, without inner or outer form. Subjectivism as a philosophic, as 
well as a purely artistic problem, is the result of an inward barrenness of the racial crossing of a people, of an individuality, of a whole 
epoch of time in general, or, as an ultimate end, the reflection of spiritually racial collapse. 

Static and dynamic art nowhere stand so clearly contrasted as in Greek and Gothic architecture. With all Nordic architecture these 
creations form the sharpest possible contrasting expressions of the formative will. The Gothic signifies the attempt — undertaken in 
seriousness only once in the entire history of architecture — to shape a spatial art out of a metaphysical feeling of time. The essence of 
time is conditioned by one direction in contrast to the three dimensions of space. The Gothic knows only a succession of forms, a 
striving in but one direction. It is therefore involved in a struggle with the material; with the stone block, with horizontal load and 
vertical support, and with the space requiring media, the surface of the walls, the roof. Gothic is therefore the fulfilment of a longing 
which knows only forward motion. It is the first embodiment in stone of the dynamic western soul, such as painting later attempted to 
reembody, but which could only completely realise itself in music and, occasionally, in drama. From this universal viewpoint, Gothic is 
already in its highest degree — personal. It is the eternal, irrational will of the west in the time conditioned form of one of its rhythmically 
recurring upward flights. 

It is self evident that the Greek temple was also the expression of a people's sensitivity and therefore, in a certain sense, the 
expression of a personality. But if, by personality, we usually understand a contrast to what is material — an aggressively active and 
restless striving to reshape material into an equation for innermost will and formative artistic powers — then we can trace little evidence 
of this will in the Greek temple. The Greek temple, admittedly built in honour of a god, also contained a statue of this god. This inner 
space, sanctified as a holy place, was not the most essential feature but merely the total outward form. The entire building is felt, from 
the first, to be a piece of plastic art. In fact it is as a self contained cubic shaped space. The Greek temple stands in isolation. It reveals no 
essential relationship to its classical Doric building but is the most perfected self contained rhythmisation of space. In the dimensions of 
the individual parts the dimensions of the whole are concealed. No line, no embellishment points beyond the temple form itself. All is 
refined, to be grasped by viewing or even experienced as a function. Load and support are expressed in the clearest manner and stand in 
perfect equilibrium to one another. 

The whole building is three layered: the roof load with frieze and architrave, the supporting series of pillars and the broad projecting 
foundation for the steps. Because the entire work is conceived as one piece, the classical Doric pillar, for example, is without a base. If 
the Greek looked for individual features, then a base would have been utilised — as it was later, during the time of the Ionic and the 
Renaissance. In Doric times, however, the entire substructure formed the basis for the entire row of pillars and the attendant load. The 
load of the roof is supported at individual points by the pillars. Like bolsters, so to speak, the Doric capital pushed itself in, following in 
its circumference the mathematical line of force, down to its last guiding line which represented the most gifted creation of a style 
created by a will that aimed at objectivity. The character of the support of the pillar is indicated through a slight swelling of the shaft. 
The horizontal plane of the load is stressed again by the triple division of the architrave, while the overhang of the cornice moulding is 
realised by the eaves. Above it, the overhang of the cornice moulding is represented by the eaves. The unhindered termination of the 
cymatium rises into the air with a gentle sweep. On the gable corners and point the acroterias stand as resting points. For reasons of 
static and formal representation the corner pillars are strengthened somewhat and bent inward. From experiences of perspective the 
pillars are not placed strictly horizontal. We find everywhere an artistic will striving for expression of what is objective and, 
simultaneously, with formal giftedness. The fluctuation of the ratios of the pillar arrangements, the introduction of richer decoration in 
the gable fields; on the friezes, the lightening of the Ionic — all of this has not essentially altered the Greek leitmotiv. Through the course 
of half a millennium, clear, free Greek genius had repeatedly reshaped the basic principle of architecture. Its perfected form has left 
behind unmistakable traces everywhere. 

It is not an inward urge — indeed, scarcely anything is personal in our sense — which speaks from the stones. Hardly anything 
subjective is expressed in it. It is the spirit of artistic objectivity, born only once in the world in such perfection. 

The Gothic naturally represents realistic prerequisites, a technically clear law of construction. Attempts have even been made to 
explain it from purely engineering considerations. But to the Germanic spirit — the Gothic belongs to the German epoch of the Nordic 
west — in contrast to the spirit in Germany itself which began consciously in the 18th century but only today awakens to clear 
awareness — the new technical innovations such as the pointed arch, flying buttress and fluted vaulting were really only means for the 
realisation of a new will. They were not a goal in and of themselves. This new will seized, in an authoritarian manner, the available 
forms. It is understandable if our gracefully posturing artists, philosophers and aesthetes whined about the rough violence shown to 
Greek beauty. 

The individual column, a seemingly compact support, loses its independence as a separate part. Together with others, it is used in a 
cluster of uprights and, where possible, pushed upward. The capital of this cluster is not to be regarded as a bolster for taking over a 
load. It signifies only a rhythmical beat in the flow of lines. It is essentially the emphasising of the attachment of the richly drawn 
pointed arch. A dynamic function was developed from a purely static base. 

All technical advantages of the new method of building are clearly recognised. The possibility of spanning over unequally great 
spaces with an identical height of the arch, to apply the vaulting pressure by fluted vaults on only a few points, then to have this caught 
up by flying buttresses and the strong piers — this illustrates how this completely new play of forces creates other constructional 
foundations, and demands solutions, and can only be judged from the aspect of spiritually technical originality which is unconcerned 
with Greek standards. When Schopenhauer asserted that the essence of architecture consisted in expressing as clearly as possible the 
mutual ratio between load and support, that this occurs best of all through the horizontal and the vertical, he revealed that he was 
completely under Greek influence. In the Gothic, the play of pressure and counterpressure is far more alive and varied than in Greek 
temple construction. Viewed in this way, the Greek solution is impoverished and limited, more static than dynamic, a condition of 

The Myth of the 20th Century 79 



rigidity with less flowing line. The Gothic architect is conscious of harmonious, tangible and unimposed rhythm. Thus we have, for 
example, the connecting lines between the crown and the attachment point of the arch in the middle nave, and the lines which lead from 
one base to the capital of the adjacent pillar cluster. These always form parallels. The first mentioned line always strikes with its 
elongation at the foot of the pillar in the aisle. The same considerations occur in the design of the side facade and of the entire outer 
building. It is thus beyond doubt that the purely objective aspect of the layout was never neglected, otherwise how could the towers have 
risen into the air? But nevertheless, this was all only a means to an end. For all material was subordinated to a definite will. This will 
flew away from earth. It wished to know nothing further about the pressure of horizontal load. It wished primarily to overcome all 
earthly gravity, to express not a functional construction of the material but the effect of a completely determined movement of soul. It 
did not seek for models. It authoritatively took available material, tested it, and then imprinted its seal upon it; it was personality. 
Through the oblique transfer of forces we find the first possibility of realising this idea. From sectioned buttresses, richly conceived, an 
arch thrusts upward. The upward rising line is guided by the pointed roof. Finally it takes over at the tower, which, through the most 
sensitive designs, becomes ever new and ever lighter, fleeing upward into the air. The last impression of a load is called forth by the 
surfaces of the tower spire. Therefore, here, all work is directed toward shaping it as slimly as possible. Finials are placed on the profile 
in order to interrupt the line which relates to load. The surface itself is broken through or replaced completely by vertically placed 
volatisations, as in the Antwerp cathedral. The tenacious will has been applied here, bringing the gravity pull of the earth under its 
command. It cannot be measured by our era which today moves on without ever understanding the marvellous Gothic creations. Only a 
few stand with homage before the evidences of the mighty, much maligned middle ages which were truly Germanic in many ways. If a 
truly great faith is ever again to enter into our hearts, then the Gothic soul will also awaken again in a new form. At present it enthuses 
only in other spheres. 

The dispute concerning the nature of the Gothic has ended. Its foundations were laid in Nordic France. At that time, the ancestors of 
the Huguenots had not yet been driven out. At that time the guillotine had still not shed any precious Nordic blood. At that time a 
European rhythm still prevailed in the kingdom of the Franks. But slowly, the elements of the Romantic Mediterranean and the Alpine 
races of the southeast pushed forward to be mixed with the Germanic, creating those Frenchmen who reached their peak in the 17th and 
18th centuries. Some great men still look back today at the vanished past with a longing. These are the men of perishing blood. 

But even if northern France was still almost completely Germanic in the middle ages, certain differences between French Gothic 
and German Gothic had already taken shape. Admittedly, Notre Dame at Paris rose upward mightily as did the cathedrals at Rheims and 
Amiens. All are built according to the same basic type. They are triple naved with sexagonal choirs and picturesque choir aisles. They all 
have two towers. All these buildings contain a triple division in the principal facade porches, rose windows and king's gallery. All have 
the usual horizontal division lines. 

The Gothic idea did not completely achieve a breakthrough. In Germany we see from the start the greatest diversity. The choir soon 
became hexagonal. Some were built four sided. The dimensions deviate greatly from one another. Hall churches appear with naves of 
equal height, like the beautiful Elizabeth church in Marburg. Ulrich von Ensingen built five nave cathedrals and provided them with 
only one tower, as in Ulm. More rapidly than in France, the arch became increasingly pointed. The walls disappeared almost completely. 
The portal was elevated through lighter gables. The facade' s horizontal lines were removed. The middle structure between the towers 
was narrowed. Finally nothing was left other than a striving upwards, and this was repeated everywhere. The profiles speak of it. The 
added sculptures followed the architectural line. A pointed work deriding the gravity of stone spanned the walls. Like a mighty 
symphony the lights flooded into the halls. Their unreal flashing allows the last remainder of the world to vanish. 

The Gothic, distinct from the Greek temple, attained its high point in interior construction. The great windows with stained glass 
paintings replaced the constricting walls, and counteracted, through their colours and lighting effects, the feeling of narrow confinement. 
Here also, motion was consciously conveyed in the calm space; thus the feeling of time in a spatial art. The play of sunlight through 
bright panes is, in its nobility, the opposite of the colour effect; the Parthenon, for example, had nothing other than surface tones which 
stood out spatially one from another. This world feeling of the Gothic building has been attributed to the forest longings of the 
Teutons — Chateaubriand even saw in this the spirit of Christianity — although the latter was and still is the bitterest enemy of the 
Germanic feeling for nature. The columns represented the tree trunks; the pointed arch, the foliage; and the windows the sky peeping 
through. Undoubtedly, there is something true in this interpretation, except that here cause and effect are confused. The columns and so 
on are not new realisations of the forest but allude to the same irrational essence which once sought the dark waving woods and looked 
through them into endless distances. This essence created the Gothic flying buttress and the mystic play of colours from the same world 
feeling. 

Thus even the inner space of the Gothic cathedral became change and correlation, not lines and spatial shaping returning into 
themselves, and the same holds true for the exterior structure. 

The Greek temple was a plastic creation to be viewed from all sides, standing soberly closed off and independent in itself. The 
Gothic cathedral spiralled upward out of a swarm of little gabled houses, using the latter as measuring rod of its size with the little 
houses and their inhabitants leaning on the common creation of their soul. Let those who wish laugh at this, but for me the essence of 
two souls speaks here: harmony of the outward individualisation and the inward striving of the dynamic personality. I considered it quite 
vulgar to lay bare the cathedrals of Cologne, Ulm, and so on, in order to view them better. In doing this, we had proceeded from the 
Greek, not the Nordic, spirit. We had committed a sin against ourselves. After the deed was done the eyes of the desolators were opened. 
How they want to rebuild the little houses! 

The personal spirit, type forming, of the 13th and 15th centuries was given voice in poetry, stone and wood, making its appearance 
on beds cabinets, trunks and staircases. It attempts to be simultaneously intimate and diverse. It is also a hymn to civic individuality. 
Walther von der Vogelweide sang his unconstrained songs of freedom. Wolfram von Eschenbach and Meister Gottfried composed 
German melodies. Other media expressed the German soul: The chisel and the brush were later replaced by the organ and the orchestra. 

Hellenic culture reached its peak in a plastic art of which architecture was only a part. Everything was subordinated to this plastic 

The Myth of the 20th Century 80 



viewpoint. Greek sculpture turned itself almost exclusively toward the person of man. Man as body was the motif for centuries, attaining 
its highest perfection in literally thousands of works. 

The objective will governed here. Everything self willed is suppressed. Everything irrational is guided back to simple conditions; all 
folds and creases are smoothed; all excesses eliminated. The Greek league of youth, the Ephebia, created its art here. Thus the works 
stand in long succession up to Phidias, Skopas and Praxiteles, and, even in its most subjective imitators — as at Pompeii — Greek art 
remained formally intact. This certainty of form is both the strength and weakness of the Greeks. It was strong as long as the Hellenes 
remained preserved from many false paths. It was weak when it lost the inner strength of the will. Every movement is changed into 
repose; even a wrestling match became a balanced adjustment of equilibrium. This is almost a complete rejection of personality. One 
often has the feeling that this form and superior self control springs from a certain feeling of fear. The much praised serenity of Greek art 
did not exhaust its essence. A subterranean feature of melancholy passed through the Greek soul but it was — in this case happily — not 
strong enough to influence artistic creation. The Greek sense of proportion was occasionally broken, as in the Dionysian Bacchanalia, 
wherein complete attention was diverted to the bath house, feasts, and so on. 

Where the phallus was openly displayed as a symbol in the Late Greek style we have evidence of self disintegration. The Greeks 
displayed the will to such an extent in the combating of instinct, that, in the creation of art, the superior reason took over the leading role. 
Hence the objectivity of the Hellenic is established. This, also, is the origin of our dogmas of aesthetic mood devoid of will. 

A religious basis was common to the highest Greek and Gothic art. In the religious disposition, even when it is not openly 
expressed, is revealed the feeling toward something eternal; the characteristics of this frame of mind are, for us, a sign that the primal 
spiritual power of man which is alone creative, is really alive. From this frame of mind comes the saint, the great student of nature, the 
philosopher, the preacher of moral value, the great artist. If a man or a people lacks this mood which is formless but which is alone 
capable of giving birth, then it also lacks the prerequisite to produce a great and truthful art. Its erroneous subjectivity will then 
necessarily gain the upper hand. Phidias and Kallikrates created in honour of the gods; and, in honour of god, the folkish souls of entire 
centuries worked on the cathedral at Cologne, on the rock temples of India, and on statues of the eternally calm Buddha. The primal 
element becomes form through artistic rebirth. Even if this divine element bears no name, its breath still lives in a self portrait by 
Rembrandt or in a poem by Goethe. This truly religious primal ground is lacking, except for small residues, in the race of the Semites 
and their bastard half brothers, the Jews. The worldly withdrawn disposition of heart matured to religious belief will — even if it must 
necessarily retain earthly ideas — always strive to strip away the last remnants of earth, or envelop itself completely in silence. This 
cannot be otherwise with the belief in immortality which is spiritual in feeling. 

In the entire old testament we find no trace of belief in immortality, unless it be the reflection of the proven outward effect of the 
Persians on the Jews during the banishment. The Jewish aim is the creation of a paradise on earth. For this purpose, as is stated in the 
later holy books, the righteous (that is, the Jews) will creep into the promised land from their graves all over the world, emerging 
through holes bored in the earth by unknown forces solely for them. The Targum, the Midraschim, and the Talmud describe with delight 
this magnificent state of affairs in the expected paradise. The chosen people will then rule over the entire world. All other peoples will 
become its slaves. They will die and be born again in order to go anew to hell. The Jews, however, will not go there, but will lead a 
blessed life on earth. Jerusalem will be rebuilt in the most splendid way. The sabbath boundaries will be set with jewels and pearls. If 
anyone should have debts to pay, then he will need only tear a pearl from the hedge and he will become free of all obligations. Fruit will 
ripen every month, grapes will grow as large as an entire room, grain will grow of its own accord, the wind will blow the corn together, 
and the Jews will only need to shovel up the meal. Eight hundred varieties of roses will grow in the gardens, and streams of milk, 
balsam, honey and wine will flow through Palestine. Every Jew will possess a tent over which a golden vine will grow on which thirty 
pearls will hang. Under every vine will stand a table with jewels. In this paradise 800 kinds of flowers will bloom. In the midst the Tree 
of Life will grow, radiating 500,000 kinds of taste and scent. Seven clouds will lie over the tree, and the Jews will knock its branches so 
that its magnificent perfume is wafted from one end of the world to the other. 

This land of milk and honey grew with religious sanction and then celebrated its rebirth in Jewish Marxism with its splendid future 
state. The greed of the Jews exists because of their bankrupt theology, whether of the past or present. At the same time, they almost 
completely lack a truly spiritual and artistic creativity. The primary religious element is lacking. The outward belief in immortality has 
been given only a superficial adjustment to an essentially alien outlook. It has never been an inwardly determined driving force. 

For this reason, Jewish art will never be personal and will never attain a really objective style, revealing only technical skill and 
subjective ostentation destined for outward effect and mostly linked with coarse obtrusiveness, if not utterly based on immortality. In 
Jewish art we have almost the sole example of how an ancient group — one cannot really call them a people — which has lived in many 
great cultures has been unable to overcome animal instinct. Jewish art is almost unique in that it is related only to instinct. It awakens 
neither aesthetic self forgetfulness nor the human will. It merely — at its best — gives vent to technical judgement or it arouses only 
subjective feeling. 

Let us look at the Jewish artists. We can begin with the Psalms, which alternately chatter with fear, exult terror, or revengefully 
foam at the mouth. Thanks to Luther's poetry, this often sounds beautiful. We then find the groaning Gebirol, the lustful David ben 
Solomon and the contemporary degenerate Heinrich Heine. Look at Kellermann who worships Mammon or Schnitzler the sensual 
seeker. Felix Mendelssohn was led toward Bach by Zelter after many barren years, although the Jews now extol his alleged virtues. At 
best his creations are technically formally correct. Look at Mahler who flew toward the heights, but who finally had to Jewify, expecting 
to create the ultimate from a thousand voiced choir. Let us look at the massive overexaggeration of the circuslike theatre of Reinhard 
Goldman. Let us examine the Jewish wonder children at the piano or violin, and what do we find? Technique, sham, affectation, 
quantity, virtuosity — in short, everything one could ask for except true genius and creative power. With its hereditary alienation from 
European nature, the whole of Jewry made itself into the promoter of black art in all domains. 

It was already proved by Duhring that the commandment to set up no gods for the nation can be traced back to the complete Jewish 
incapacity for formative art. This is likewise the reason why it could be an effective prohibition over thousands of years. The 

The Myth of the 20th Century 8 1 



contemporary despairing attempts by Jewish artists to prove their talents through futurism, expressionism, and new objectivity are a 
living witness to this old fact. Individual attempts to create a higher culture should not be denied, but Jewry, as a whole, lacks a soul 
from which really great values are born. 

When, as in our times, Jewish artists take a significant place in artistic life, this is an unmistakable sign that we have fallen away 
from the right path: that within us — it is to be hoped only temporarily — an essential spiritual power has been buried under cultural 
rubbish. The art of Islam is also almost purely subjective. All the murmuring of the splashing picturesquely constructed wellsprings; all 
the leafy shade; all the brightness of shimmering colour; all the candle lighting of the Alhambra and all the confusing line play of the 
wall decorations of the palaces — all these things cannot conceal the inner spiritual poverty of the race. 

Such greatness as Islam has left to us on its passage through the world — the massive cupolas of the Caliphs' graves, the meditations 
on Greek wisdom, the fairy tales full of fantasy — are today recognised by us as borrowings from alien spirits. Some have their origins in 
Greece, some in Iran and others in India. A system which had no metaphysical religion could not be really creative. Even if the Arabic 
Beyond was not based on the idea of an earthly paradise — on establishing a firm place in the world, as with the Jews — the substance of 
the ideas would be essentially the same. That this barrenness of soul is paired with an inflexible faith alters nothing. We can only 
recognise the Arabic culture as partially individualistic, but not as original or creative. 

We have shown, and will continue to show, that the longings of most other peoples are interrelated. Viewed in this way, Lao Tse 
approximates the ideas of Jajnavalkya, Christ, and the great men of Europe, different as they all are from one another. Forces are at work 
which, although living spatially close, were inwardly nevertheless worlds apart from one another. 

Remote from Islam lies conformity to the objective as well as to the personal. Just as Islam has created neither a great epic nor a 
great music, so has it also created no racial form of architecture. It has borrowed all architectural ideas from the Aryan Persians. It has 
exhibited no really legitimate new forms as true expressions of the soul. From what we have learned from history and archaeology, the 
Arab has merely imitated other, higher cultures. 

However, the Arab subjectivity did create the horseshoe arch. The horizontal beam carrying the casing for the placing of the 
ordinary arch rested on the projections of the pillar or of the pier. After its removal, there resulted a very perceptible projection which 
was then simply filled in with mortar. As a result, the arch received a form unconditioned by any kind of static necessity. However, this 
was not the expression of an inwardly formative will. It was inartistic arbitrariness. This new form was repeated in the arch line, then the 
cloverleaf arch was invented, followed by the arch with a projecting stone tongue, and so on. The different varieties can be studied. In 
the mosque at Cordova, at Elashar, in the minaret at Kait Bai, at the Barkuk mosque at Cairo, at the Meshkehmeh mosque at Bulak, and 
in the cloister church in Segovia. Additionally, in many buildings, one arch attachment strikes on the apex of the other, creating the most 
impossible variations of arches, beehive buildings, and so on. The diverse, richly entwined, often strictly Islamic ornamentations, wall 
designs and lattice work came almost entirely from Persia. Old Iranian fabric designs and illuminated manuscripts provided the models. 

The baseless Doric column was adapted from the Iranian Aryan building techniques and art. This principle is then prostituted in the 
hall of the famed Alhambra. Completely apart from the fact that the pillars have mostly been taken from other buildings and have had to 
be balanced by abutments of varied strength and height, the arches tower, doubled above each other. The pillars scarcely seem able to 
bear the pressure, and virtually push holes in the arches. 

The essence of Islamic architecture is revealed in the oft praised arabesque. It is the most beautiful style that the Arabs created. It is 
not true architecture, however, but mere decorative art. An arbitrary spirit is revealed here. The ornamentation covers the entire wall. It 
is directionless and can be elongated on all sides or closed off at will. If Greek decor was terminated in a fixed space, composed with a 
determined surface limitation — if, in Gothic work, everything subordinated itself to the earth escaping vertical direction and, as a result, 
was made subject in every case to an external law as a consequence of an inward striving for a goal — then, in the arabesque, 
expressionless immoderation prevails. The best instinct for what is valuable in Islamic architecture has been shown by scenery painters 
of the operetta or speciality theatre. This was a suitable domain for decorative trifling and directionless overindulgence. 

It is necessary to single out this alien essence. Today we can do this with justice, for, by exact study of purely technical building 
methods, we receive a means which we can use also to pass judgement on other expressions of Islamic style. Our philosophers should 
cease seeing a Magian soul in the arabesque, cease rediscovering in it something akin to the Faustian nature striving toward the infinite. 
Much which Islam has left behind is certainly better than as described, but then, it is also revealed, as proven in documents, that the real 
creators of this architectural legacy were not Arabs. The Arabic science — the cultivation of Greek philosophy — did not evolve in the 
hands of the Arabs. Rather, it was carried on almost exclusively by Arabic speaking Persians. For example, the mosque of the Prophet at 
Medina was erected by foreign artisans. El Walid had to send to Byzantium for artists and engineers to build in Jerusalem. The Greeks 
erected the wonder of the world at Damascus. 

In Egypt, the Arabs discovered a rich Coptic architecture. The beautiful construction of many buildings there originated with Coptic 
engineers. A Coptic artist built the Ibn Tulun mosque. It was he who used the pointed arch consciously for the first time. The model for 
this arch was provided by the marble gate in the Nahassin quarter which had earlier stood on the Norman church of saint Jean d' Acre. 
One must take note of all this in order to gain a correct insight into the different influences. Sassanids, Coptics and Greeks provided the 
foundation. Then Arabic whimsicality took over with a decorative overindulgence. 

It may now be understood why the copying of these Arabic elements — the cloverleaf arch, keel arch, arabesque, and so on — will 
never, at any time, find acceptance with us. They are alien to us and should always remain separated from us. They are evidence of an 
alien soul to which none of the concepts of art, personality or objectivity style are to be applied. 

Between directionless artistic subjectivism and the inwardly organic style of personality authoritatively mastering the material, there 
is a graded succession of artist and orientations of art. Many artists are gifted with tendencies for what is higher, without, however, being 
able to guide this gift into an artistically well rounded perfection. Others search untroubled into normal life, to describe, paint and stylise 
out of pure formative joy. The union of person and personality given here on earth directs and possesses us. 

We must establish an intermediary stage between subjectivism and personality art, that is, the transition from arbitrariness to inner 

The Myth of the 20th Century 82 



law. Let us name these domains the individual style, in which something organic is emphasised but where a limitation is also revealed. 
Such designations — this must be expressly underlined — are methodologically necessary in order to grasp a life which is ever in flux. We 
can only perceive something when we see it as form, even when the outlines are not rigid but may be plastically removed. 

The love of what is individual is an outstanding feature of Europe. To discover this, we only need to cast a fleeting glance at Nordic 
poetry, architecture, sculpture and paintings. Gothic stonemasons and woodcarvers, the landscape painters of all districts, the artists of 
the monastic bibles, the inventors of the Gothic script, the narrators of strange stories — all of these show a striving for expression. For 
every energetic expression there is a form given by a thousand hands. The same spirit lives in the hundreds of painters of Holland. It is 
alive in all the artists of old France, and, even today, it finds a new imprint on isolated individualities. 

Peter Paul Rubens belongs to this domain, as one of its first great men. No one doubts that great treasures of powerful electrifying 
fantasy have seen the light of the world through him. How he dealt with it, what material, what spiritual content is applied, how the 
direction of its treatment was determined — these things show us an artist standing almost exactly in the middle, between subject and 
personality. His whole work is directed at sensuous nature with its thousand colours and forms, with its joys and fears. We find the 
stepladder of our mortal individuality expressed in the delicacy of his portrait of Isabella Brandt. We see it also in the lustful possession 
of the great Kirmes — from the sensual lust for life of his nymphs, to the drunken Silenus, to the sorrowful cry of the damned as they fall 
down into Hell. The themes are always new and alive with an artistic objectivity conscious of its goal. But nowhere does Rubens 
succeed in a creation which can illuminate either this entire earthly joy or earthly sorrow as an allegory. Nowhere does he give evidence 
of the success of a great, true, inner, supernatural vision, although Rubens often attempted it. His great canvas of Christ ascending to 
heaven, the saviour, who, standing on the globe of the world, treads upon the head of the serpent; the Apocalyptic dragons and other 
monsters; the massed clouds; the rejoicing angels and the fluttering, shimmering garments — all of these signified an unequalled 
application of material and fantasy, but they are only unsuccessful attempts. The greater the scope of his works became, the less we see 
their spiritual thrusting power. Rubens' s Descents into Hell — master works of life, mobility and composition — nevertheless show only 
outward exuberance, but are persuasive in making credible a secret supernatural power by an outward application of strength. 

Rembrandt soared above this world with works in which a smiling conquest of the world and a shattering despair have guided his 
brush. Rubens' s last work was of himself in shining armour, a saint George slaying the dragon. Rubens lived a rich existence as a man. 
He was honoured as a great artist by an entire world. He displayed the untroubled refinement of individuality. Rembrandt withdrew 
completely into himself and surveyed the world — unsentimentally but filled with deepest premonitions — as a material which is to be 
overcome. Rubens' s work is a powerful symphony of life in all its forms. The power of worldly existence is its content. In his greatest 
works all the symbols — found in the treasury of Greek legend and in the apocalyptic parables — are pushed aside and, with which the 
insane life of his environment formed the foundation for the Kirmes in the Louvre. Whoever has stood before this work sees in a 
moment what took Schopenhauer his entire life to describe: the power of blind instinct. Without allegory, life itself has been represented 
here. The gluttons and drunkards, the whores and lechers, the singers and drunken women dancers all repeat one and the same song, that 
of the unbridled beast. The artistic power which flung this, so to speak, with a jolt onto the canvas, is unique in its manner. The 
individual, without any restraints, had become the content and art form of Rubens. 

Similarly, but less powerfully, Frans Hals reveals himself laughingly and mockingly as he brought life onto the canvas with a broad 
brush. Inspired by the same spirit, but filled with unequal dramatic impetus, is Adrian Brouwer, an artist who died too early. His 
descriptions of the instinctively individual often remind one of Rubens' s Kirmes. He allows us to discern an artist, who, had he lived a 
longer life, would perhaps have mastered his material. He might have formed an inwardly dramatic life from Holland's genre painting. 

Another artist whose works we could describe unhesitatingly as being of an individual style is Lorenzo Bernini. This last great 
sculptor — the architect of the colonnades of saint Peter's Square — was honoured by an entire generation as one of its greatest artistic 
geniuses. We would also admire him except for his rather mediocre design of the entrance to the Sistine, and except for his perceptible 
sensual note (for example, with Amor and Psyche), and except for his exaggerated use of charming materials. These are signs of 
adaptation to the taste of the broad masses, or signify, at least, a prostitution of his innermost creative power. 

Like Rubens — a man of the greatest fantasy and mastery of his material, a master in utilisation of all methods and artifices of 
painting and materials — Bernini lacked that greatness of soul and mysterious magic which emanates from the works of a Da Vinci or 
Rembrandt or from the creations of Meister Erwin. 

Now we must write a few words about the Baroque period and its meaning. Our histories of art speak about the Masters of the 
Baroque era as representatives of a singular direction of art and spirit. However, these interpretations are in error and are useless unless 
we are able to define the essence of the term Baroque. In contrast to the spirit of the Renaissance which sought only harmony, the 
Baroque era was a search for expression. Apart from the fact that they did not search only for expression, the great men of the 
Renaissance — Da Vinci, Donatello, Masaccio — one cannot make this statement about their art. For whatever is it supposed to mean, 
when it is said that Michael Angelo is Baroque? Are Velasquez, Shakespeare, Rembrandt, Rubens and Hals? Are their works Baroque in 
spirit? Great differences appear which cannot be expressed with one word. If a fundamental unity has not previously been attained by 
means of a clear differentiation there is, at least, a plurality contained in a notion. 

We see the Gothic from an unequally greater distance than we see the period of the Baroque. We grasp its uniform striving for a 
goal clearly. In spite of this, very different accompanying elements and assertions are to be recorded with its evaluation. In fact, the 
Baroque is a new wave of spirit which is to be valued not only in its temporal length, the extent of flight and power, but particularly in 
its depth laden with value. Here, the measuring rod drawn from the essence of our art will prove itself particularly fruitful. We have 
already seen the results in Gothic art, with its effective strength of artistic personality, of individuality, of subjectivism. 

One rightly sees in Michael Angelo the artist who most visibly breaks with all the aesthetic precepts of Greece. His art exhibits no 
appeasement of passion in his balanced form. Rather, one sees the unleashing of passion through personality, through a personal will in 
art. His works stand before us as a wild and conscious protest against Hellas. This man, who spoke neither Greek nor Latin, created The 
Slaves, Moses, The Medici Tombs and The Sibyls and Prophets. They reveal such richness of soul and such knowledge, that Goethe 

The Myth of the 20th Century 83 



could say that, after Michael Angelo, nature no longer pleased him since he could not gaze upon it with such great eyes as the genius. 
Michael Angelo created for himself a law which he alone followed. He alone was able to master his material. Rembrandt went to work 
in exactly the same personal way, and Shakespeare was equally great. 

In the life work of these men we find the stepladder from crass individuality to perfected inspiration. Rembrandt's Monk in a 
Cornfield, his heads of Jews, his drawings of neglected corners and of men, are works which master life in all its heights and depths, 
ranging from the Couple in Bed to The Hundred Gulden Note. His imitators and lesser contemporaries remained rooted in the individual 
sphere. The power of concentration he showed in the outline and construction of Michael Angelo' s saint Peter was a mere outward 
application of energy. His vestibule in the Vatican library, ignoring all architectural limitations, with its pilasters of broken work and 
wild guiding of lines, was a unique subjective outbreak, but one which, with many others, became a permanent principle. Groups of 
heaped up columns and flighty cornices appear; decorative cornices are knocked in the walls; gables are perforated and filled with 
scrolls; towers and facades are profiled with rounded forms, and mighty volutes strive to the centre of the building. II Gesu, Maria della 
Salute and a hundred other buildings bear witness not only to great assertions of strength but also to a styled will which is determined 
only in the individual manner of a painter. Later, these forms were plunged deeper into the sphere of subjectivism. 

The Jesuit counterreformation used tin radiance, paper tinsel, plaster garlands covered over with gilt and other follies to blind the 
masses. Art became a means to reconquer hearts lost through the Reformation. Individual popes had given aid to great art for their own 
splendour and for the splendour of Rome. They had little real delight in these creations. Jesuit inspired artists worked sensuous, 
powerful, willed painting. They perfected artistic lack of restraint, and this became known as the Jesuit style of art. 

The sitting column, the paste and stucco coullisses of such as S. J. Pozzo, are classic models for those who would study artistic 
crimes. Unfortunately, these abortions are still found all over Europe. The lofty flight of the Gothic had ended. Raceless Rome had 
triumphed over the Nordic spirit in architecture. Protestantism, on the other hand, falling into the other extreme, allowed an 
impoverishment to enter its houses of god which made the heart grow cold. The heart had been heretofore sensuously overheated in the 
Jesuit churches by gold, tin and incense. 

The era of the Baroque is to be equated in its greatest representatives with the innermost will of the creators of the cathedrals of 
Ulm, StraBburg, Rheims, Leon, Compiegne, and Koln, except that this spirit made use of other means. If, in the 13th and 14th centuries, 
architecture was the medium dominating everything and embodying the deepest longing; in the 16th and 17th, it was sculpture and 
painting that dominated. It was supported by musical spirit. The chisel and brush appeared in place of the compass and carpenter' s 
square. If, in the 13th century, one could justly speak of a uniformly directed personal western soul, so now one could talk of individual 
personalities who indeed were outstanding more in a portrait than in the building of a cathedral over many years and by many hands. 

In the same way that the Gothic at last betrayed itself by creating playful vaulting artifices and fish bubble designs, also did the 
Baroque commit suicide with its incompetent imitations of Michael Angelo. The feeling of life carried Meister Erwin and Rembrandt to 
the supreme heights, while below, the wills of thousands were not strong enough to follow. 

What is essential is the recognition that autocratic mastery of materials forms the basis of the Gothic as it did the Baroque. But while 
the one era carried out its heaven storming plans, the other remained a quiet spiritual concentration. A further step occurred when poetry 
and music in a new Gothic baroque wave of art aided the Nordic and German nature to achieve its deepest expressions. 

What we have called German or Nordic western art is here revealed in its inner structure. Its goal is the embodiment of supreme 
spiritual action expressed through new means and in a continuous new form. From subjective attitudes and individual creations (that is, 
unities) a new spiritualising of the world developed which, after it had unfolded its splendour, sank back into shapelessness ready for 
recasting. 

We have experienced this three times; at the time of the Gothic, in Baroque art, and at the time of Goethe, whose posthumous 
influence is still felt. This is the life pulse of Europe, a pulse which beats more rapidly and dramatically than that of other peoples. We 
hold in suspicion the present widespread lamentation which announces the cultural decline of the west. These harbingers of disaster pay 
no attention to the increasing pulsebeat of our Nordic culture. They believe we have breathed our last. If other peoples do not seem to 
possess this rhythm, but have left behind a single lifeline, then this still says nothing about our law of life. Men who, with predilection, 
use the example of a flowering and withering plant, should pursue this analogy somewhat further before it can be of use to us. A searing 
autumn wind blows through our present cultural world. Whoever feels himself an old man will find many reasons to imagine the coming 
winter as his last. Whoever has lost faith recognises impassionate understanding as simultaneously ruler and shaper. But whoever has 
recognised not China's many thousand year old intake of breath, but the powerful pulsebeat of Europe as a uniqueness belonging only to 
him, looks with a much more different vision into the past and future than the preachers of our predestined decline! The Gothic period 
ended in the desolation of the guild system, and with the mastersingers languishing in dullest sobriety. The Baroque period turned itself 
inside out in a thousand insanities. 

Today, after an enormously aimless use of old forms, we are presently witnessing an equally directionless anarchy exhaust itself 
furiously. We have still not reached the ebb. But, as happened three times in the past, Europe also draws a new breath for a fourth time. 
No one yet knows what means for the renewed turning inward of our life will be the right ones. But in all events, they will be used to 
link us to what is eternal, so that we are able to experience the birth of a truly new form. 

The second half of the 19th century was, as far as architecture and the arts were concerned, a period of a hitherto unknown shapeless 
adaptation of all previous forms. Authorities of all periods, designs from all centuries and paintings from the works of all peoples, 
decorated the work place of the architect. Imitation dominated all the art and architecture of the period. 

In the 19th and 20th centuries, technical development moved forward with an unsuspected speed, requiring more and more newer 
factories, railway stations, power stations, and so on, so that no time remained for an artistic development to match the new era's 
requirements. It was no longer possible to control the new problems dispassionately, so things moved devoid of direction along the well 
worn paths of old. We began building those frightful looking railway stations, factories and warehouses with cast Greek colonnades and 
acanthus leaves, complete with imitations of Moorish, Gothic and Chinese forms. Many were capped by the crudest iron constructions. 

The Myth of the 20th Century 84 



Even today, the whole of Europe is covered with the products of an unprecedented decline in art. When a new generation wished to 
become violently personal, the ill reputed youthful style appeared. Its crimes against art have been observed with astonishment from 
Paris to Moscow and Budapest. This controversy still rages unhindered in many places today. The creative power was broken because it 
had become distorted ideologically and artistically by alien standards. It was no longer equal to the new demands of life. 

The renewed enthusiasm for the Gothic, experienced around the turn of the 20th century, produced as its consequence those new 
Gothic churches and city halls. This revealed the impossibility of using Gothic forms in contemporary creations. Our present world 
feeling is no longer a vertical striving away from the world. It is a desire for strength and expression, but not in the form of the old 
Gothic will. 

The personal Gothic style, even if it arose from the primal Germanic character, reflected a definite kind of feeling prevailing only 
then. Our era must use its own building blocks in the erection of monumental structures. Water towers need powerful enclosed forms. 
Simple gigantic masses are required for grain silos. Our factories must be given a weighty shape. Scattered business buildings are to be 
concentrated into single giant houses of labour. Electric generating works, with their various apparatus, are to be spread over the earth. 
The buildings of a large factory which were thrown together haphazardly in the past, will be moved together organically to an inner 
community. The Moorish railway stations are to be pulled down. A resounding song of iron and stone is heard in new rhythms. And 
while disillusion followed behind disillusion, real creative joy passed through the world. A generation of architects, conscious of honour, 
began to understand the new questions of life and to struggle for expression stated according to time and essence. The lack of restraint 
still possible in the other arts found, in architecture, its regulating law through utility and economic consideration as end and purposes. 

Technical expediency seems to be the prerequisite of all architecture. The Gothic form is forever surpassed. But the Gothic soul 
struggles, as those who are not blind can see, for a new realisation. We have made steps toward using new, heretofore untried, solutions 
to modern architectural problems, especially of the multistorey buildings, the skyscrapers. The frightening aspects of American art, with 
its skyscrapers with Renaissance style, Gothic gables, and Baroque designs, and with absolutely soulless engineering techniques — which 
even in America are approaching their end — have caused us to overlook the fundamental questions which our life demands. One stone 
colossus after another replaced the old houses of America. The churches, which heretofore had been the highest buildings, lie in the 
greatest neglect in the midst of a giant pile of stones. New York was built without an inner standard of value or organic measuring rod. 
The Gothic architect knew very well that he could not place a church and town hall alongside one another. The size of the one building 
would have eliminated the size of the other, robbed the height of its necessary measuring rod. American haste and necessity were free of 
these reflections. But the experiences gained have resulted in demands of an unavoidable kind for Europe. 

Along with the problem of a building with a broader foundation, we are striving to move onward and upward from the new vertical 
styling. We are at work on a powerful block which, with its own side wings, forms a building system in itself. It will develop its own 
standards. For this reason we will require an elementary law which will say that no new building can be erected in an environment 
dominated by multistory buildings. The same will hold true for buildings which rise upward from a small area. Only in this way can 
spatial rhythm and inner strength be realised. 

Thus we hold that to use Gothic external forms is an impossibility. The Gothic inner will and its laws of construction can only be 
newly experienced if a true architecture of the future is to appear. 

Greek architectural forms are, as elaborated, of objectively functional nature. A Greek kymation is the alpha of all unconfined 
cornice ending. If a horizontal load is to be taken up by a stone pillar, then the Doric capital, the Doric pillar shaft with its fluting, with 
its gentle swelling, reproduces the course of the line of strength with almost mechanical faithfulness. The form of the abacus will also be 
amenable to only a few alterations. These forms of Greek style are eternally subjective and have rightly raised claims for use. If one 
wishes to give expression to these gently felt transitions between load and support, the Renaissance believed it could do this. Classicism 
of the 19th century thought that it was the first to do it properly. In the course of the last decades, an inward retreat and reversal has also 
taken place. The search of the modern Gothicist does not soar upward through the clouds. Rather, it is directed at massive labour. Like 
Faust, he drains swamps and, after he has apparently been immersed without salvation in the swamp of Classicism and Anarchy, he sees 
more clearly what he wishes: Ennoblement, intellectuality, inspiration of the roughest labour. 

There is still one final thing which gives us the justification to claim the basic forms of ancient Greek architecture to be applicable. 
Something goes back to prehistoric times and links objectivity with natural growth and what is racial as well as personal. The fact is that 
wherever the culture of the Mediterranean races prevailed, we can establish the round style of building as their basic architectural type. 
This is the basic type of the Etruscan house and of the pre Nordic fortresses on Sardinia, and of the primal fortress of Tiryns. But in the 
north, the rectangular building arose. Even from the times of the Megalith culture onward, buildings exist which have rectangular 
outlines along with porch and posts. This is the primary type of the later Attic house and the Greek temple. The houses at Haldorf, 
Neuruppin, in Brandenburg, and the houses of the stone age, are the primary images which were carried by the Nordic tribes into the 
Danube valley, to Moravia, to Italy, to Greece, and above all to the fortresses in Baalbek. From the 8th century B.C. onward Germanic 
Grecian houses appeared on the rubble of the old round fortresses of pre Indogermanic Tiryns. The Nordic rectangular buildings arose 
according to this basic principle. The kings' houses at Mykenai were built following this design as were those in Troy. The Nordic men 
appeared everywhere as conquerors and creators. Blond Menelaus, reported by Homeros, belonged to the fortress of Alkinoos, which 
Odysseus in the Odyssey saw built with posts. The great Achaean kings, Atreus and his fellows, who stretched out their hands toward 
the coasts of Asia Minor, were the builders of the Trojan palaces. The basic ideas of Greek architecture were of essence with Germanic 
feeling. The Romantic — in reality, Germanic throughout — and the Gothic cathedral have remained — independent of the time linked 
form — true to these ideas. The principles which form the basis of both forms signify the essence of the Nordic interpretation of space. In 
Italy — where the Nordic current, even as it passed over the entire land as in Greece, moved around Etruscan centres so that these 
frequently remained untouched — we experience the counterstruggle against the rectangular shaping. It passed from the round Etruscan 
house over the horseshoe construction up to the outlines of the Roman villas of Pompeii. The true origin of the round houses is the racial 
Myth of the Mediterranean peoples. It has little to do with architecture per se. 

The Myth of the 20th Century 85 



The aboriginal matriarchy of the pre Nordic Mediterranean peoples was symbolised by the swamp or the swamp plants and swamp 
animals; that is, the symbols of the widespread indiscriminate sexual intercourse. Isis and Mother Nature were represented as sitting 
amidst the reeds of the swamp. Artemis and Aphrodite were worshipped in reeds and swamp. The original Etruscan house arose from 
this same symbolic reed. The stalks of reeds were stuck in a circle in the ground and the canes were fastened together above. This form 
was then imitated in stone. The first cult of the mother, the swamp cult, was thus the same symbolism as the dwelling hut of the mother 
worshipping Italian prehistoric people. The struggle is particularly revealed later in the disputes between the central principle and 
basilical principle of church building. The great cupola architecture of the original saint Peters — which was later altered to basilical — 
shows this idea of the ancient round house. Admittedly, the Nordic formative power later mastered this principle; however, it has always 
remained basically alien to us. The round construction limits vision on all sides. It is directionless, and is basically free on all sides. In 
the deepest sense of the three dimensional spatial concept, a round building cannot convey a real spatial feeling at all, not even if it is 
shaped by a very great artistic hand. 

In contrast to the Mediterranean peoples with their animal mixed images of god, the Nordic Greeks — in whom we can often better 
view our essence than in the Germanic antiquities almost completely destroyed by the monks — carried a free, undemonic image of the 
gods in their hearts. As Karl Schuchhardt remarked, the god was established where the first ray of the sun illuminated a peak. Wherever 
there were free peaks to the east, the Nordic man placed his god. Nordic gods lived on Mount Athos, Olympos, the Parnassos, the 
Helikon and, in the north on the Wodansberg and Donarberg. Where there were no mountains the tree tops took their place. The Zeus 
oak, the sacred oaks of the Teutons, were cut down by Bonifacius. In place of these murdered oaks we now find the Romantic bells and 
the Gothic church towers. These caught the first rays of the divine sun in their dizzy heights. The watchman on his tower became their 
servant and interpreter. When the finials on the towers glowed red, this glitter awoke those same feelings of sublimity as in the past 
when the peoples of Homeros looked up at Olympos, or when Old Germanics gathered in the tall oak glades at sunrise. 

Thus have the Gothic and Hellenic styles been close in our spiritual and artistic experience. But we do not think of allowing the 
resultant new possibilities to lie unused or to link them forever to time bound forms and techniques. On the contrary, we affirm the flow 
of life, the diversity of spiritual conditions and times. Over and beyond this, we feel the blessing of the mysterious powers of life binding 
us and, in this case, especially one in particular; the feeling of space which binds us to the same, eternal forms of representation. 

The change from a culture that worships material things to a true feeling of spirit has recently been completed. The unbroken 
western personality will not attempt to soar away from the earth in eternal longing. It will respect the earth, the shape and the inspiration 
in it. It will see in what is finite a parable for infinity; it will permeate the soul with strength. Architecture is now the first art; it is on the 
way once again to becoming honourable. The great task of surpassing technique by new technique and new creations awaits us. 
Whoever has eyes to see observes a search to developing consciously an inwardly truthful shape as the new formative will of our life. 
We see it in the grain silos of California, on a steamship of the north German Lloyd, and on the bridges of the Tauerngahn. The time will 
come when from this new search for truth will arise this search in our homes, theatres, town halls — everywhere. Then, pityingly and 
with shame, a modern architecture may look down the Berlin FriedrichstraBe, on the Munich Town Hall, on the frightful new cathedrals 
in Barcelona and on a thousand other testaments inwardly untruthful art and an ideological chaos. 

Chapter IV. The Aesthetic Will 

Personality and Objectivity have been differentiated. I confess that it is misleading to speak today about Personality when every 
immature individual applies this notion unconcernedly to himself, and every leading authority demands it of the future, of the peoples 
and of the state. It is simultaneously a type and the sire of a type. Despite this, it is clear that the coming form of our existence in the 
world will flow out on all domains. As is always the case, it can be created only by a few great individual men. The fear of being 
excoriated by those without taste or style has occasioned many a serious man to reject his true self, his personality and his ideals. 
Nevertheless, he must become his true self. 

In the individual consciousness (the ego) individualism and universalism are contained. The individualistic epoch which passes 
today in dangerous convulsions has again strengthened the universalistic doctrine. These unnatural ideas necessarily produce forms, 
repellent of life, against which individualism revolts and which, if necessary, it violently suppresses. Unrestricted individualism and 
boundless universalism mutually condition each other. Only through the concept of the people as folk and race, as expression — or, if one 
wishes, as parallel phenomenon — of a definite soul does the one as well as the other principle receive a limitation of an organic physical 
nature. A clear soul and a consciousness of an always active, spiritual, willed essence signifies true personality. This is and remains the 
deepest experience of the west, and no false shame must hinder the treatment of this question — without which ultimately nothing can be 
traced back to its foundation. 

Just as today efforts are being made to build up state and economy after the collapse of economic individualism from individualistic 
ideas — against which the National Socialist idea appears born as the organic and fruit bearing vision of the future — so western soul and 
art signifies an eternal effort to give expression to the feeling of loneliness and infinity. The sense of infinity is found in the Gothic, in 
the self sublimating music, in the endless garden perspective of Lenotre, in the half dark of Rembrandt, and in infinitesimal calculation. 

The feeling of loneliness and infinity is undoubtedly a characteristic of western nature. In the theatre one can discern a reference to 
this in the third act of Tristan — if one closes his eyes and places himself in the situation of the lonely man. High on a rocky cliff, above 
him blue infinity, before him an eternity of space, his body wounded, his insides full of painful torture, near to timelessness, Tristan's 
soul longs for something infinitely far off, an idea which on earth is personalised in Isolde. In the midst of this desolation, the tones of a 
shepherd's flute can be heard from somewhere in a self willed rhythm remote from the world, exactly expressing what cannot be 
described in any words born of reason. Wagner worked on Tristan in Venice, alone, deliberately secluded, separated from Mathilde with 
suicidal thoughts in his heart. 

Consider another picture. Hans Sachs lived in the midst of the greatest Philistinism. At the beginning of act three of The 

The Myth of the 20th Century 86 



Mastersinger he passes into loneliness. Yet he is not alone there. Around him are thousands of people in living carnival mood, in a 
picturesque city, happy pairs as lovers and, among them, his own protege. All of these cry out joyously to our great Sachs. Cries of 
applause resound. In the midst of this activity he stands there smiling, rich, but nevertheless lonely, in isolation, and utters words 
concerning what is eternal in art. His ideas are incomprehensible to many. They are only words about the German Masters. Again, there 
is this feeling of infinity but expressed in a way that is completely different from Tristan. In Tristan Wagner created harmony of the 
outward and inward; with Hans Sachs there is contrast. 

What is it that calls forth this feeling of infinity, abandonment and loneliness? What is that feeling which we encounter so strongly 
imprinted on no other race and culture soul known to us? There have been sufficient references to the manifold differences in the souls 
of peoples and to the eternal restlessness of Faustian natures and to their feeling of infinity, but we still have not been brought to real 
consciousness. The Indian had a feeling of eternity and this is ancient Aryan property. But the later Indian floated in the all soul. He 
longed only for total dissolution. His infinity consisted in the recognition of the equality of all phenomena as related to the all soul. He 
could not have felt loneliness in our sense. He saw himself everywhere and nowhere. 

The Faustian man penetrates into the infinite, profoundest depths, but he is essentially solitary But that is only possible because 

he experiences inwardly an immortality unique only to himself. He elevates himself from an environment as a person, because he is 
personality. He senses his immortal unique soul. That soul is an eternally active master which searches for strength, time, and 
spacelessness. It is released from all that is earthbound. It is completely unique. That is the secret of the Germanic Nordic soul, the 
primal phenomenon, as Goethe would call it, beyond which we no longer seek, perceive or explain anything and which we should only 
respect in order to permit it to take its place within us. 

The idea of the eternal personality is the strongest declaration of struggle against this world of appearances. The Indian, after he had 
distinguished between world and soul, rejected the former as deceit and mere appearance, attributing true reality only to the latter. The 
soul, the Atman, the self, was, according to him, the only one. The Atman was fully and completely contained in a drop of water, in an 
animal, in a man. It was identical in all creatures of this world as something ageless yet young, as the primordial miracle. From this 
feeling of universality drifting into infinity, the difference of the races of man and spirit were overlooked. Earthbound diversities were 
regarded as delusions. They were declared, with the greatest spiritual power, to be nonexistent. That also are you is the Indian doctrine 
of the soul. It was boundless expansion following upon a philosophic intention never previously existent. 

Philosophising reason presses at all times toward binding the manifoldness of this world into a unity. It seeks to form experiences 
from observations and unity from diversity. India was predominantly philosophically oriented. It placed redemption not in a religiously 
willed transformation, but in an act of perception. Whoever saw through the appearance of this world was redeemed. This fundamental 
philosophic mood teaches that a multiplicity of souls — an idea which emerges in later times in the Samkhyam system — is wholly 
unacceptable in a philosophic sense. It is blasphemy. As such, it would also appeal to every philosopher who was inclined only toward 
perception. The philosophy of reason as such will always aim at the monism of Indian or the material worshipping kind. 

The religious soul of the west is opposed to this outlook. This time we are seeking ideas in harmony with the teaching of Jesus: that 
is, the assertion of the eternal personality in the face of an entire world. It comes, in its individual manifestation, from something 
unknown which rises within us — in innermost elevation — like the shadow of a memory. It has an unknown task to perform here on 
earth: to discharge its mission and to return again to its primordial essence. Every personality is a unity without end. That is the religious 
will as contrasted with philosophical monism. The monist stands alone in the universe. He returns home to what, in the language of 
religion, is called the father. What awakens philosophic resistance is religious experience. 

For this reason Jesus, in spite of all Christian churches, signifies a pivotal point in our history. He became the god of the Europeans. 
Up to the present he appeared in a repellent distortion. 

If this concentrated feeling of personality which built Gothic cathedrals and inspired a Rembrandt portrait penetrated more clearly 
into the consciousness of the general public, a new wave of culture would begin. But the prerequisite for this is the overcoming of the 
former statutory values of the Christian churches. 

The dignity of personality has nothing to do with the person. Otherwise the most worldly and materialistic men would believe in a 
personal immortality with all their power. But the latter desire only the extension of their animality into infinity. The greatness of Egypt, 
for example, is overestimated. Pyramids and mummification are not the expression of an otherworldly feeling of eternity. They are but a 
crass assertion of existence. The reason why Egypt became so incomprehensibly rigid was that everything was placed or forced into the 
service of this world. It was a state composed of officials and clerks. This also has its own kind of greatness, but of a totally different 
kind than that which the Romantics attempt to assert about Egypt. 

In the ancient Indian doctrine, the concept of personal immortality is to be included. For if as plant, animal or man, I am yet always 
an ego — a self — that will be reborn, then something unalterable is assumed in which something alters reality. The concept of Karma, 
invested with many mysteries of the Buddhist philosophy, does not enlighten us here. The known parable of work and wagon is crassly 
materialistic and rests upon falsely concluded analogies. It is the heart of our heart which is reborn to our faith. The doctrine of the 
migration of souls is therefore understood as a parable. If I recognise that I am bound here to forms of viewing things without which 
nothing is really conceivable to me (time, space, causality) then I would also not be able to grasp the truest answer, for it now 
presupposes completely different forms of outlook. If I speak about personal immortality and am confronted with the logical conclusion 
of the Beyond, of accepting an ever larger mass of personalities, that all immortal personalities could thus increase — a hair raising 
idea — or that a completely fixed number of immortal personalities exist who realise themselves in eternal recurrence, then the 
observation must be made that here notions are mixed. They arise in us under other conditions. We know nothing of the laws of the 
other world kingdom! Laws which have validity here — even the notion of here and there must be rejected — are inapplicable in other 
conditions. 

In the idea of personality, the metaphysical problem is condensed. Every man feels a number of formative possibilities within 
himself. He knows that many of his dispositions change and that other capabilities have, or could have, unfolded. Nevertheless, he 

The Myth of the 20th Century 87 



recognises himself again in every new deed. He knows that the structural lines of his essential nature remain the same. He sees himself 
as facing an apparently unconditional law. This inescapability from oneself and, again, the certainty of being a self, is the cause of the 
recognition of the freedom of will and the recognition of inflexible laws which dwell in a man. 

Jesus was of the opinion that a thistle could not bear fruit. Thus, an evil man could not do good works. Nevertheless, he demanded 
inward transformation. Luther wrote a book about the lack of freedom of the will and the freedom of the Christian man. Goethe spoke 
his primary words. Schopenhauer denied free will but reintroduced the moral order of the world. 

For all Europeans, the last secret is contained in the concept of personality. Simultaneously, the conflict between freedom and 
unfreedom is, for us, only conditional. If we look away from purely external, mechanical influences which have effect upon us as 
organic creatures — this influence is smuggled dishonestly into the treatment of the problem of personality — then the grounds of dispute 
lie in that we judge ourselves in different situations from different viewpoints. If we feel the unfreedom of our nature, the unconditional 
urge to act in a specific way and not otherwise, then we unconsciously split our ego into two parts and feel the one burden upon us. 
Instead of saying to ourselves that we, as personalities, will ourselves to act so that this effect is an inner feeling developing through time 
and according to external experience, each has created for himself his own law. That he created this law is the freedom of his 
personality. This recognition fits in exactly with the teachings of Meister Eckehart. 

Therefore, things are not as Schopenhauer teaches. He taught that the empirical and intelligible character are two phenomena which 
exist outside the individual personality as universal empirical and moral world order, or, that accidental coincidence makes up a man, as 
the Indian Karma doctrine also asserts. When German folkish lore pronounces that each man is the smith of his luck, when Goethe 
speaks of the creative strength of a genius, and when Eckehart demands that each must become one with himself, these ideas are all 
fundamentally the same. It is the peculiar Germanic adjustment to the age old problem of man. 

The idea of the immortal personality is not only a poetic creation. It is the highest religious flight which does not come into conflict 
with the strongest critique of perception. In the inorganic world the question as to a why, as to a purpose, is senseless. But life — organic 
reality — cannot be grasped otherwise. Everywhere there is a realisation of something that is always conditioned by a goal. Life is thus 
striving for a goal through unconscious purposefulness. Every creature receives instincts, which serve this quest for a goal. The belief in 
immortality breaks out again and again and directs us inwardly. This shows that it is a power given to us and one which already 
represents our immortality. A great natural scientist and thinker, Karl Ernst von Baer, declared in answer to the question about the 
essence of life: 

As self development does not consist uniformly in the attainment of a fixed form, but the organs are prepared for future use and the 
materials are constantly altered for self formation, then the most general character of the life process seems to me to be striving for a 
goal. We will then not seek for the spatial seat of life, as the life process can only take its course in the viewing of time. To comprehend 
how natural life consists in striving for goals, necessities, and compulsively pursued aims, seems to me the true task of natural research. 

Here we are faced with a test of character. Are we in the position of interpreting full blooded racial life and its laws as an allegory of 
what is eternal or not? Can we experience our will to seek immortality as a means striving for a goal? Can we feel that, as life here 
already eliminates space, it also lies beyond the usual causality, that it still has permanency even after the removal of time? 

A parallel example which clarifies the relationship even more distinctly is shown in the doctrine of predestination. It has taught the 
western world nothing more than that god is in our bosom. This is not the opposite of the ego but is the self. Self determines goals 
through essential types. In the Jewish Syrian Roman world of ideas, which tears personality and god apart and opposes them hostilely, 
the idea of predestination became an ideal outlook which degraded man, condemning him to rebirth as a slave. 

In the doctrine of predestination one creature was chosen forever by the spirit of an arbitrary creator while the other was damned for 
eternity. The why remained a mystery known only to the instructing magician. Here we experience anew the catastrophe that occurs 
when a completely fixed idea is assimilated by an alien mode of thought. Intellectual and spiritual bastardisation is then the inevitable 
consequence. The high respect that the Germanic personality has toward other races was deflected by alien races. The plastic 
possibilities of our essence are misdirected, causing much to perish which could have blossomed in accordance with its intrinsic nature. 
God be thanked that Augustinus's monstrous doctrine of predestination has exerted no really lasting influence. This is an unconscious 
sign that our Nordic nature was not wholly abandoned to Eternal Rome. 

Only in strictly Jewish church Christianity does the separation of personality from god still live on, although the figure of Jesus 
demands this unity. Indeed, Jesus demanded this unity in a manner that is wholly unprecedented in history. He called for an absolute 
personality which lives freely according to its own law, as the master over the person. However, this signifies the strongest possible 
contrast to the doctrine of living of personality to the fullest, as our fashionable speech puts it. This guarantees mastery over life, not 
powerlessness of action. If one adds that this freedom is organically bounded by race and people, then we have before us the eternal 
prerequisite of every true to type cultural epoch of the west. The idea of the authoritative personality and the doctrine of predestination 
are closely linked with the concept of destiny. 

Here, two incompatible world outlooks confront each other: the ancient Indian and the hither Asiatic. The Indian as a spiritual 
aristocrat attributed his earthly fate only to himself. If one asked an Indian who was born blind why he believes he has to endure this 
punishment, then he will answer that it is because he has done evil in an earlier life. Consequently, he must suffer a misfortune in 
accordance with his deeds. This completely logical idea eliminates externals completely, denies autocratically and, in particular, what 
we, who have grown up within the circle of church influences, are accustomed to describe as merciless fate. This emphasising of the 
responsibility outward is the unblessed legacy for which we have to thank the form of Christianity which brought the hither Asiatic 
world of ideas with it to Europe. 

While the Homeric age still lived in communion with itself and the universe, Greek inner life was undermined by external 
upheavals. In tragedy, personality and destiny therefore appeared in a dualistic manner. Innocent or guilty men are subject to the 
intrusion of external forces as, for example, in Oedipus. On top of this misery, yet another thing happened that split the soul. An alleged 
representative of god appeared. He taught the subjugation of the soul and the suppression of the human personality. Man was no longer 

The Myth of the 20th Century 88 



responsible for his destiny and he was reduced to a condition of subservient humility. 

Again, what was Germanic appeared in a dual antithesis toward these two types. It did not arrogate the right of declaring nonexistent 
the physical universe and its laws. Nordic ideas knew nothing of Semitic fatalism or Syrian fate or magical delusion. It linked ego and 
destiny and declared them to be simultaneously existing facts, without inquiring concerning the causality of both parts. The relationship 
of the Germanic peoples to the notion of destiny here was completely the same as it was in the later representation by Luther. It taught 
the existence of natural laws and personal freedom. The Nordic idea of spiritual conduct in the universe coincided with Kant's 
perceptively critical investigations concerning the kingdoms of freedom and natural necessity. 

Perhaps nowhere is this essential harmony of everything Nordic German revealed more clearly than in the comparison of the very 
oldest Germanic sagas and songs with Kantian thought. 

Teutons fought Teutons, both sides believing that they had to fight for their freedom and honour. And the Germanic singer closes 
his song of destiny: 

Curse struck us, Brother, I had to kill you, 

It will stay eternally unforgotten, hard is the saying of the Norns. 

Here the Norns appear as the allegory of an unfathomable, and yet intuitively felt, necessity of cosmic law. The fighting Teutons 
seized this destiny and followed it without lamenting as free men. The sons of the Norland, Hamdir and Sorli, who rode to the court of 
the king of the Goths, Ermanerick, to avenge the death of their sister, knew that they also rode to their death as they lent themselves 
consciously and freely in service for the family honour. They fought until the last drop of blood. Sorli' s last words were: 

Well have we fought, we stand on the corpses of the Goths, 

On those fallen in arms, like eagles on the branches. 

Good honour is ours, if the end comes today: 

None lives through the night, if the Norns have spoken. 

These words are of an heroic, unsentimental self confidence which finds its likeness in splendid heroic disposition only in the other 
Germanic songs, notably in the ancient Hildebrandlied. Father and son confronted one another; the homeward returning warrior and the 
protector of his hearth. The father recognised the son. However, the son saw in the father's welcoming words only a trick and incited the 
old hero. The father tolerated this until his son accused him of dishonourable disposition. 

In fulfilment of the self created law of honour, old Hildebrand saw the ruling destiny as an idea which reaches back to the 
profoundest Germanic mystery and the uncreated soul which he felt to be god — personal destiny. But at the same time, the heroic 
solution of the Hildebrandlied instructs the same as Kant on the supreme height of philosophic prudence. This was the realm of freedom 
and the realm of nature. These two were separated everywhere, but man belongs to both simultaneously. Kant showed belief in the 
sublimity of human nature, the consciousness of the value of the personality in the face of a terrible external power. L. Wolff notes 
correctly that the god called upon by Hildebrand is not the god of Christianity who apparently holds his mild protecting hand over all the 
faithful. Through this Christian god the grasp of destiny has become, on the one side individualistic egocentric, and on the other side 
logical, leaning toward the doctrine of predestination. The old Hildebrandlied — as motif — later appeared among all peoples, although 
often in falsifications which suppressed what is essential in the whole drama. In these songs the father only learns after he has done the 
deed that he has slain his own son, or, he recognises him and after a short jousting, rides home peaceably to his wife Ute. Here, Christian 
influence eliminating the ideas of honour are very clearly discernible. 

Yet another aspect is shown by these Germanic songs — like the old version of the Waltharilied, the Tale of Aldwin, Thuriskind and 
all the others — that honour calls forth no conflicts. Rather, in the struggle upon earth, honour solved these conflicts. Germanic life 
became problematic only when new values were accorded attention equal to the highest Germanic values of honour, freedom, pride and 
courage. This conflict, which pierced the heart of Europe, has remained, up to the present, the most significant reason that we do not 
have a soul style, folkish culture and national state. Love and Christianity have not mended this Germanic self laceration. Instead, they 
are the cause of the struggle and the agony. For even at the time of the folkish wandering, the divided Germanic tribes felt their enmity 
with sorrow: 

Curse struck us, Brother, I had to kill you 

sings the old Gothic minstrel. Theodoric then seemed once again to guarantee a Germanic unity until the Franks formed the Reich as 
a political clamp. Thus, the tragic conflict goes on. The possibility of enhancing the idea of personal honour, clan honour and family 
honour through a general Germanic consciousness of honour was — thanks to Roman Christianity — supplanted. Destiny and personality 
stand — according to Germanic comprehension — in constant reciprocal effect, and every truly Nordic drama will, in some kind or form, 
link outward events with inward character values, never allowing them to run unlinked to one another. This holds true just as much in 
the Song of the Nibelungen as in Faust and Tristan. A sugary aesthetics has also misunderstood this great drama and viewed it only from 
the standpoint of the enraptured Isolde. This, the greatest work of Wagner, is not a drama of love but of honour. Because Tristan feels 
that his irrepressible love for the bride of his king and friend is dishonourable, he remains distant from her. He then wishes to drink the 
death potion when he recognises the impossibility of becoming the master of his love. As the truest of the true he cast away this notion 
of honour which was the centre of his life and abandoned himself to his passion. It represented an inexplicable, unsolved riddle 
symbolised through the love potion (Minnetrank). The inner high point of the drama is this moment, when Mark and Tristan stand 
opposite one another — not the Liebestod which signifies an end — while the king musingly asks the truest of the true why he abandoned 
honour. 

And these sounds from the orchestra penetrate grievously into the metaphysical feeling as if they inquired after the deepest question 
of Germanic essence: how the highest of all in honour could become honourless. This is something which is impossible and yet seemed 
irrevocably proven. This last question, in spite of the symbolic interpretation, remains without an answer. Tristan dies from his deed. He 
consciously takes death upon himself and tears the bandage from his bleeding wounds. He dies from the outward injury from one who is 
inviolable to him. Tristan dies of a conflict of honour, Isolde, of love' s grief. This is Germanic destiny, and the Germanic overcoming of 

The Myth of the 20th Century 89 



life through art. To shape all this into a form signifies the highest peak of the art of personality. 

A view arose in the 19th century linked to the natural philosophers of the 18th century and outside the churches which, uncritical on 
all sides, made efforts to place the whole of man into some mechanistic natural law. This clumsy, materialistic attempt to preach an 
inescapable economic law can today be regarded as dead. However, in its place — through Spengler — another alluring outlook has taken 
its place. It is represented in the Faustian man and, gifted with considerable persuasive powers, it is the so called morphological view of 
history. These historical teachers set up causality and destiny correctly as two noncoincidental ideas. They likewise further refute — in 
harmony with Germanic essence, loudly and openly — the Semitic fatalism which recognises all causation as unalterable. But they place 
the idea of destiny in so called culture cycles. These cycles are certainly historically proven without — and here arises the dangerous 
error — examining the racially organic of these culture cycles. According to Spengler, such a cultural cycle descends out of the misty 
distance into a piece of earth like the holy ghost. Those belonging to it experience an heroic era, an intellectually cultural height, 
civilised decomposition and decline. Deductions concerning our future are drawn from these assertions. Irreversibility is represented as 
the essence of this new concept of destiny. In the end, we are confronted by the unexpected fact that Spengler has succeeded in 
introducing both the naturalistic Marxist as well as Magian hither Asiatic concepts under a Faustian protective mantle. This inhuman 
doctrine of human causation lies in the ranks of purely mechanical causality. The doctrine of irreversibility must subject us to a fate. 
Spengler is not aware of the real Faustian Alone, I will. He does not see racially spiritual forces shape worlds. Rather, he invents abstract 
schemes — destiny — to which we have to subject ourselves. Logically in its conclusion, this doctrine denies race, personality, personal 
value and every really culture promoting impulse — in a word, the heart of the heart of Germanic man. 

Nevertheless Spengler' s work was great and good. It broke in like a hail storm, cracked rotten branches, and fertilised the longing 
fruitless earth. If he is really great, then he should rejoice at this: to make things fruitful — even if it be through error — is the highest 
mark one can aim for. But now the racially spiritual awakening has grown far beyond the doctrine of Morphology. It has found its way 
home to the primordial eternal words and, over epochs of confusion, greets men and art of past times as the living present. 

Our previous digression was necessary because it established that it is not the feeling of eternity and infinity which is essential, but 
that personality, within similarly conditioned individuals, represents the ultimate primal phenomenon of all artistic creation. The 
perspective on infinity by Lenotre and the dark mysteries of Rembrandt are not something merging into infinity but, among other things, 
they represent a tension of soul. It is remarkable how little heed the systematisers pay to the rhythm which all great artists of Europe 
followed half consciously, half instinctively. Their art does not run in a line from the material to the infinite. It returns to the self. It 
concentrates the spiritual powers always anew in order to flow them out fresh again. At the moment when Beethoven shaped tonal 
images in the highest peaks, near to sublimation, a jubilant scherzo suddenly intruded. In the midst of motives rejective of the world, a 
splendid struggling will resounds. These are not restraints but the life rhythm of western art. The scherzo of a Beethoven, the final 
concluding deed of the hundred year old Faust, the heroic greatness of Wagner's Siegfried, the smiling conquest of tragedy by Hans 
Sachs, the mysticism of Meister Eckehart and his richly active life, can only be understood if every rigid monism is rejected. To thrust 
human volition into boundlessness as the western soul is a fundamental attempt to weave nebulous Syrian magic into the culture of 
Europe. 

The music of Bach and Beethoven is not the highest attainable stage of elevation of soul, but it signifies the breakthrough of an 
unequalled spiritual power which does not merely strip off material bonds — that is only the negative side — but expresses something 
completely fixed, even if this cannot always be outlined in black and white. The Germanic conquest of the world is not boundless 
expansion but enhanced forcefulness — that is, willed action — the sweet sacred accord, to which Schubert attributed omnipotence. 

The will is the soul imprint of clear sighted energy. Thus it belongs to the aim setting mode of observation, while instinct is linked 
with the causal mode of thought. Even today, with the resolute willed ego comprising every area of psychological study, the aesthetic 
will is denied. In this connection it is, if not the strongest, then it is certainly the most comprehensive, expression of the human will. 
Artistic creation is the conscious transformation of material through a unity bound through fixed forms in every art. If the other 
directions of the will have only one characteristic feature — the material — it is art that lays claim to substance and content. In the 
broadest sense, our entire formative appropriation of world and ego is a willed artistic activity. The mythical images of a god riding 
through the air in his thunder wagon and the marble Pallas Athena are both, in essence, consequences of the same formative activity. 
The idea of the law of the conservation of energy presupposes similar formative powers of soul. 

An example is the Prodigal son. This is a picture from Rembrandt's last year. He painted it in a condition of deepest poverty and 
despair. It was found after his death under a pile of rubbish. Here we see past life — concentrated into one moment — in the ruthless 
naturalistic representation of the kneeling sinner. From this ragged figure emanates a calm and enlightening victory over all that is 
frightening. Infinite love speaks from the visage of the kneeling father. Here, merciless naturalism with all its contingencies, and 
individual expressions and the perfect overcoming of nature, confront one another as in few portraits in the whole world of painting. 
Purely formal in draughtsmanship and technique, everything runs from undetermined darkness upon the old man who, alone, is flooded 
with a gentle light. His visage and his arms, the whole range of tones from deepest brown, red and yellow find, here, their light filled 
high point. The viewer's eyes halt here and focus on that point. Simultaneously the highest enhancement of the spiritual stepladder is 
present — from the onlooker's lack of participation to the deepest devotion to liberating, elevating redemption. 

The formative spiritual activity which took place in Rembrandt has been continued in the souls of the two men, the son and the 
father. Here he has shown the successful reshaping of emotion into free action. Moral freedom has experienced an artistic mode of 
expression. Out of a moralising allegory has come an artistic experience. For here we are not instructed that it is sinful to act in the 
manner that the son has done; humility is not preached to us and forgiveness is not recommended, but the free redeeming act of a man is 
presented and brought — with all means of formative penetration — into a most vital consciousness, just as the ancient myths did this with 
nature. Out of the same condition of soul in which Rembrandt found himself, a Schopenhauer would have laid down the profoundest 
notions about the nothingness of the world, Christ would have taught forgiveness of all those evilly disposed toward us, and Shakespeare 
would have written a shattering drama. But Rembrandt could only speak with his brush. It was a spiritual need in a completely fixed 

The Myth of the 20th Century 90 



direction. It was not of a philosophical, not of a moral nature, but of an artistic nature. 

For decades, Dostoyevsky's works have stood at the centre of the most bitter disputes. Literature condemned his descriptions of 
horror and vice. They blamed his anxiety making effect on the incomprehensible conditions of the Russian soul. Some have praised 
Dostoyevsky's characters as the prophets of a new religion. Some saw the sole measure of value in the apparently humanely meaningful: 
others, in ruthless naturalism. 

Insofar as the Dostoyevskian men are Russian types and lay claim to validity as models of a new soul, we must react with the 
strongest objections against such a presumption. It is not acceptable if aesthetes, who apparently make efforts to strictly separate the 
aesthetic object from the nonaesthetic, complain that in reading Raskolnikov — in Crime and punishment — one experiences being 
softened in all fibres and crushed, squashed. Clearly in Dostoyevsky the heroic and moral object is confused with the aesthetic. 

The fact is that purely physical effects of moral men are investigated while the formative strength, the aesthetic will, of the poet 
remained unheeded. Consequently, The crucifixion by Griinewald would also have to be rejected as harmful because people fainted in 
front of it. In that painting we are spared nothing that is terrible, and the anciently sanctified aesthetic balance is ruthlessly attacked by 
this greatest work of old German paintings. But we should not feel the individual heroes or sacrifices, only the power which created 
them! 

One cannot judge Dostoyevsky's work with humanely moral measures nor with a measure of so called objective form, but must 
finally resolve to judge his entire aesthetics of art through another mode of study as is attempted here. This is the recognition of a deep, 
inwardly willed, synthesis. Words of moral compensation, formal control, and so on, are no longer in place here. 

It was the principal mistake of the majority of aesthetes, that, in studying the characters of a drama or a painting, they pushed their 
own petty feelings and anxieties into the foreground, while ignoring the artistic power which created the works. The figures are alive — 
be they crippled or upright, good or bad — so long as we recognise the inner necessity of ourselves from the subject matter. The 
suppression both of desire and noble stirrings of will does not occur in European art in order to make room for instinct for play. It is 
much deeper interpretation of artistic willing. I should not enjoy a work of art perfunctorily in the equilibrium of all spiritual powers. I 
should observe a creative formative power. My satisfaction does not consist in seeing appearances but having experienced the essence of 
the work. I must feel this essence manifest through appearances, summoned up within me. Aliosha, Dimitri or Ivan Karamasov do not 
interest me so much as the strength which motivated each of them through the organic creation, visible through human creative nature 
which makes its way into our heart. If I am to regard these figures as a life ideal, then it is a completely different matter. If we set up the 
critical measure, then we do not affirm how strongly our aesthetic freedom has remained preserved, nor, if the characters are healthy or 
rotten, but only if they have a necessary effect. But here new aesthetic differentiations are applied. While we feel a ruthless will behind 
the wretched Prince Myshkin as a moral unity, we see behind Thomas Buddenbrooks only a pen chewing aesthete in the lamplight, 
torturing his brain with nerve exciting problems. Myshkin' s epileptic attack is an inward convulsion. The disastrous tooth loss of the 
wretched Buddenbrooks is mere bad luck, wearisomely prepared, but nevertheless just plain bad luck. And while the behaviour of the 
crazed idiot, Myshkin, at the corpse of his lover, signifies a spiritually necessary collapse, Thomas Buddenbrooks, executed by Thomas 
Mann on the paving stones, makes an impression on us as unpleasant as it is comic. 

Our study of Dostoyevsky now leads to another question already fleetingly touched upon: How does it happen that repellent, indeed 
corrupt, characters can have an aesthetic effect? Or, how does it happen that works of art which deal with an external form that in no 
way corresponds to the ideal of beauty of the peoples, of the artist, and also teach no values such as we would demand from the moral 
aspect, nevertheless often awaken a powerful aesthetic impression? Schiller's answer, that we instinctively lay more emphasis on power 
than on conformity, touches on the essence of truth but does not explain it. For what seizes hold of us particularly is the inner law of the 
aesthetic condition, even if it represents an adoptive word or even a hostile value. 

The figure of Shylock cannot please us as such since the thought of him contradicts our spiritual precepts. Seldom does a creation 
impress us in the same degree as this figure, because it is racially spiritually perfect in itself. It is outwardly conditioned, encompassing 
all Jewish racial features from the rock pictures of Egypt up to Trotsky. Spiritually, Shylock portrays the essence of the old testament 
ideal — as well as the essence of the figures from the Talmud — up to the modern Wall Street banker. This thousand year old organism 
represented in Shylock is also the new creation of the Jewish essence — just as the Margrave Rudiger and Faust represented the Nordic. 
Shylock acts as he must; once brought forward he necessarily has an effect on us as a further evidence of the aesthetic will of the artist. 
The surmise by Schiller, that in great criminals we are impressed by the strength which, in its magnitude, reveals the possibility of a 
sudden alteration of character, is thus at fault here. Shylock can never transform himself. His body follows a commandment which, in 
the unalterability of his nature, has a similar effect as the law which prescribes his course. Shylock is thus both an individual as well as a 
type, both a Jew and Jewry as a whole. The same holds of Mephistopheles whose aesthetic impression likewise rests neither on beauty 
nor upon strength but on his inner necessity; on the artistic act which created him. Purely personal without becoming types are Richard 
II, Iago and Franz Moor. While the artist openly identifies himself with the heroic values represented by Rudiger or Faust, he faces the 
others as a purely spiritually willed form. These figures in particular — also Hille Robbe, Peregrandet and Tartuffe — prove to us that, in 
the last analysis, we must seek the roots of aesthetic creation as well as those of aesthetic experience. 

A middle position between Siegfried and Shylock is taken by the works in which the artist does not form his own supreme value in a 
struggle against other forces or places, but in which he has openly attempted to bring a borrowed soul life into expression with its 
ultimate consequences. Here, the most disturbing problem of western art history has become visible; the sufferings of Christ with their 
culmination in the crucifixion. 

With the church doctrine that Jesus consciously sacrificed himself for the whole of mankind, his martyrdom was described where 
possible to render evident the power of dedication. His sacrificial death elevated the idea of humility as a highest value, that is, 
subservient self abandoning love devoid of will. The recognition of this value was the characteristic of the medieval church. It also 
became the adoptive value of the western artist who, in his creations, sought to bring himself into harmony with it. As the symbol of 

The Myth of the 20th Century 9 1 



special piety there arose thousands of crucifixions which subordinated the figure of Christ to the doctrine of humility. The smiling blond 
child who often gazed at the world with unhesitant heroism was transformed into a broken down figure tortured by pain, with distorted 
features and suppurating wounds. The feeling of total collapse, of despair, of sacrificial death, became the medieval counterpart to the 
self evident heroism of a Rudiger, a Hildebrand, a Dietrich or a Siegfried. The greatest work of this kind which elevated this adoptive 
church value into an allegory is the Isenheim Altar. This work is the logical conductor of the ideal of humility embodied in an artistic 
will which, in upward soaring power, is unequalled in world history. The crucifixion, as traditionally depicted, borders on a sickly 
excess of tension, both of material and of penetrative power by an artistic will. The many stab wounds on the body of the martyred 
Christ, and Mary sinking into a hypnotic sleep, represent the high points of Christian art. But the entire work reveals the true artistic will 
in the resurrection, in which a remarkable renewed transformation takes place. From the dark Jesus on the cross comes a luminous, slim, 
blond, risen Christ. In a mystical circle of colour he raises himself into the air again, incomparable to the symbolisation of the willless 
condition of collapse. 

Since this great achievement, the adoptive value of the west has more and more lost its thrusting power. Crucifixion and resurrection 
become almost purely decorative, occasions of beautiful colour and light effects. The theme is exhausted, the inner drive to shape the 
crucifixion is lacking in the present day world — along with the feeling of form. A crucifixion in the true sense as Griinewald painted it — 
as art work and creed — can today neither be painted, carved, set to music nor written. Even the adoptive value has been given up. But an 
old, yet new, theme has appeared in this respect: Jesus the hero — not the flayed to pieces, not the magically vanished of later Gothic, but 
the unique, simple personality. The creation of this new heroic image is still not completed; but in Rudiger and in Meister Eckehart, it 
was already outlined in advance. 

The classical German aesthetics from Winckelmann to Schopenhauer began with the work of art itself — even if only from the late 
Grecian. But this neglect of real life could not satisfy lastingly. The new aesthetes therefore transferred aesthetics, following the entire 
movement of the times more and more toward the feelings of the recipient of art, and, according to temperament, each of them 
discovered other experiences in himself. He then constructed a new but once more universal aesthetics. Thus aesthetics became more 
and more a part of psychology, the alleged ascience of knowledge of the soul. Alongside this, the sensualist conquered the ground step 
by step, which, in the face of the universally material worshipping views of the last decades, likewise could not be questioned. Art 
became a counterpiece of the purely economic mode of thought since, as was said, its forms had the striving to provide the richest 
possible content with a minimum expenditure of strength. The feeling of pleasure in art appeared as a result of an easing of mental 
activity. The subconscious irrational was disposed of in a stopgap measure. Aesthetic feeling rested on inward imitation, on motor 
sympathy. Finally Miiller and his adherents found, in the enjoyment of art, a general enhancement of the life promoting feeling, thus 
moving very near to the essential recognitions, but always remaining caught up in mere psychology which caused them to overlook what 
is objective in the given art work. Groos went the same way. We have to thank Kulpe for an exact investigation into the associative 
values. In spite of his retention of the psychological mode of observation, he nevertheless directed his attention to art and demanded the 
dissection of the beautiful into its constituent parts. Similarly, Volkelt demanded norms in art according to which one has to judge if one 
wishes to bring forth aesthetically pleasing effects. Other aesthetes aimed at the fathoming of beauty as an ideal quality of art objects. A 
Gothic cathedral consists of stones, a melody of tones. Neither stones nor tones are what is beautiful. Beauty adheres to the material 
where one cannot observe it with his senses. The beautiful consists not merely in the sum of the qualities of the individual parts but 
beyond this something determined. It is virtually independent of the parts. 

This thing, released from the factual, aesthetic appearance, signifies the essence of the aesthetic object which arouses dual feelings 
of fantasy; feelings of empathy and feelings of participation. As a result, Witasek is on the way to an interpretation of art which has 
become widely diffused, that is, the so called empathy aesthetics. This school of thought was, in fact, largely founded by Lipps. 
According to him, the aesthetic condition is a feeling of joy which is to be attributed to the comfort of the soul, in the sense that the soul 
easily grasps everything which appears pleasant to it. The beautiful signifies life activity, whereas ugliness is the denial of life. 
Therefore, the beautiful awakens feelings of joy whereas ugliness brings us displeasure. Here, an empathy already exists enhancing itself 
through delight with he who enjoys and a sadness with those who mourn. The possibility of empathy is dependent on approval on the 
part of one who enjoys art. Our own strength or longing must find its counterpart in the art work. Later, Lipps shifted his aesthetic 
investigations more and more to the subjective, and declared that every properly observed expression exists only in the observer himself: 

All this is the placing of oneself into another. The individual strangers whom I know are objectified multiplicities of myself. 

Multiplicities of one's own ego, in short, are the products of empathy. 

Aesthetic enjoyment is a form of spiritual self satisfaction. Passivity and activity of the material become feeling experience. 
Heaviness, hardness, and so on, lose their objectivity and receive lyrical qualities of the ego: 

The necessity in the objects is felt into them and, according to their origin, is nothing other than the necessity experienced in us 

of our judgement The objects are not necessitating or necessitated, only I am this. 

As a result, conditions are turned upside down. The attempts to perfect, to enlarge the psychological theory of empathy, to merge it 
together with classical aesthetics, have been numerous. Nowhere is the recognition more clear than in the dogmatic denial of the folkish 
racially conditioned will. This recognition alone forms the bridge from the object to the subject; from the formative will of the artist — as 
the highest expression of strength — to the formative will of the recipient of art. This fact is nowhere more clearly proven than in music. 
This art is devoid of material. It has only spiritual content and form. Its means of representation are rhythms of time. Its legitimacy is 
tested by time. In his study, which must be regarded as one of the profoundest treatises on the essence of music, Schopenhauer declares 
that the effect of this art is so unique because it directs itself directly at the innermost heart, at the will. Here Schopenhauer has seen this 
correctly, without noticing that, as a result, he destroys both his philosophic system as well as his aesthetic creed. The blind will is set up 
in contrast to itself as the holiest stirring of soul, since every work of art signifies the conquest of everything impulsive. The effect of 
music as the greatest artistic experience on the will is represented by a thinker who, with virtually hypnotising eloquence, had described 
the essence of the aesthetic condition as contemplation. 

The Myth of the 20th Century 92 



If we listen to real music it does not mean that we sink into contemplativeness, not even into sweet dreams. Through the universal 
medium of tonal shapes, we experience a formative will and a formative structure of composition. But this means even more to feel the 
formative powers awaken in the slumbering listener. It is similar for the artist. Music — and with it every other art — is a reinterpretation 
of the world. It is a representation of the soul — from the uttermost stillness of a Brother Angelico and Raabe to the wildness of a 
Michael Angelo and a Beethoven. The artist proceeds from the inward to the outward. The recipient moves from the outward — from the 
created work — to what is inward in order to arrive at the experience which pervaded the artist in the primal creation of his work. That is 
the sole true circulation of aesthetic feeling. It is the supreme task of the work of art to enhance the formative power of our soul; to 
strengthen its freedom in the face of the world; indeed, to overcome the world. 

What does it mean if, after visiting a portrait gallery, a man believes that he has aesthetically contemplated nature? Does this not say 
that power slumbering within him has been awakened, a power which was not sufficiently strong for a personal activity in the direction 
of artistic creation? To many men this spiritual experience comes only after leaving a work of art, that is, after the elimination of 
material phenomena. And what is it supposed to mean: that an artist has had an effect upon others? Does that mean anything other than 
that a formative will was awakened which, until then, had slumbered and could only be awakened by an impact of a special kind? I 
naturally do not speak here of imitation of technique. Our entire capacity for remembrance could be drawn into this study. For example, 
it is true that a special sound or rustle has called forth an inner upheaval, as, for example, a grenade explosion which buried a soldier and 
caused a nervous shock, so that a similar sound years later calls forth the same mental and physical effect. A formative power clearly 
exists, which, in connection with philosophy and aesthetics, deserves to be thoroughly considered. 

This leads us to the cognate of the beautiful — the sublime. The sublime is another phenomenon which awakens a disinterested mode 
of observation, but which is not the beautiful. This mode of observation is not calm or playful, but mobile. 

Equilibrium, the harmony of the powers of disposition, only appears because of, and after, a conflict. If we simply see ourselves 
placed before something great, something unlimited and formless, then our imaginative power is incapable of seeing this as a whole. As 
creatures of the senses we feel ourselves diminutive and, through this feeling, another sentiment rises within us which says that we are 
infinitely more than mere creatures of sense, for it is indeed we who are aware of this limited side of ourselves. 

Bold overhanging rocks, thunderous clouds, hurricanes and the lashed up ocean are forces of nature. Against nature our physical 
powers seem infinitely small. But when we immerse ourselves in a study of this powerful phenomenon, we then experience an elevation 
of our spiritual powers. We discover in ourselves a completely different capacity to resist which gives us the courage to be able to 
reconcile ourselves with a seemingly all powerful nature. Thus the feeling of the sublime in nature is respect for our own destiny. One 
must follow the religious notions resulting from this, which lead to honour and respect, to a religion such as Eckehart believed. This 
feeling of the sublime is thus called forth through a discomfort which leads us to become conscious of our human superiority. Then we 
pass over into a feeling of joy. It all ends in a calm, disinterested contemplation. In conclusion, an equilibrium is established among our 
powers of disposition, not only between imaginative power and understanding, but also between imaginative power and reason: 

Sublimity is that which directly pleases through resistance against the interests of the senses. 

The sublime arises through a certain differentiation in that we transfer the feeling which reason awakens in us to the object. While 
the beautiful demands the representation of a certain quality of the object, the sublime consists 

merely in the relation in which the sensuous is judged in the representation of nature for a possible supersensuous use of the same 
where applicable. 

Accordingly in art, as Kant asserts, the sublime can only appear in the struggle of the moral will against the sensual. If the moral 
will as such is dispassionate, signifying only the good sentiments, then its appearance must take on the form of effect. If the idea of good 
makes its appearance then it is in the form of enthusiasm. This enthusiasm is not moralistic but sublime. As Kant says: 

Ideal men appear in art as bearers of this feeling. They are the actual heroes of the tragic drama. They become heroes of freedom 
and martyrs, granting the sublime the upper hand over sensuousness. The sublime has a relationship to intellectual and rational ideas. 

These remarks clarify Kant's views concerning two mental states which, distinguished from the instinctive, allow us to feel a 
harmony among our inward vital powers, placing us in a condition of involuntary contemplation. As far as the derivation of aesthetic 
judgements is concerned, that is, justification of their outlook, this is not the place to devote much time to them. However, it is important 
that Kant allows things to be held as beautiful: 

because in the face of nature one observes the same in forms, and could pose various questions in viewing the same. On the other 
hand, the sublime in nature is improperly so called and is only a foundation of the mode of thought of human nature. To become 
conscious of this allows the comprehension of an otherwise formless and unpurposive object. 

These elaborations reveal to us that the same conflict existed in Kant as in Schiller: they cannot deny emotion in the face of the great 
figures of drama, but, with remarkable stubbornness, they wish to continually return to their conclusions as to harmony of mental 
powers, instead of recognising the spiritually willed experience and the awakening of the active spiritual power as the essence of the 
aesthetic condition. Only hesitantly did our thinkers wish to allow sublimity to be held as valid in art. They took their examples only 
from nature because they experienced the feeling of sublimity merely as a reaction. 

Let us stand facing a Gothic cathedral. Here we feel a massive overwhelming greatness. But these cathedrals are nevertheless deeds. 
They are a human art creation of the most powerful type. They are the artistic representation of a sublime feeling. Thus here, creation 
and emotion go back to their source. What impels me to respect is, in the last analysis, the knowing of myself to be one with the 
personality, the people, the man, the formative strength which reveals itself. 

It is tempting at this point to insert a long digression on the creeds of artists concerning creation and experience since it is 
characteristic of guild aesthetics. Guild aesthetics overlooked these things, although it provides the essential foundations for all studies 
of art. This would enlarge the circumference of this chapter so much, however, that only a few allusions can be made here. 

For example, in his correspondence we see Hector Berlioz as an artist striding through all heights and depths. He is everywhere 
action, experience. After listening to one of his own compositions he related to his friend Ferrand that he could have cried out, so 

The Myth of the 20th Century 93 



colossal and terrible was the effect upon him. He remarked contentedly that, as listener, he became as pale as death with emotion. From 
Lyons, Berlioz writes longingly: 

I believe I would become insane if I were to hear my music again. 

He wrote in ecstasy to R. Kreutzer: 

Oh Genius! What then shall I do, if one day I wish to describe passions? I shall not be understood, for they have not even greeted 
with garlands the author of the most glorious work, nor carried him around with triumph, nor thrown themselves on their knees before 
him. 

In 1856 he admonished Theodor Ritter: 

Keep the 12th of January in your memory! That is the day you have approached the miracle of great dramatic music for the first 
time. You have received the first premonition of the sublimity of Gliick. I will never forget that your artistic instinct has unhesitatingly 
paid homage with rapture to this genius who was still unknown to you. Yes, indeed, be convinced that whatever people who possess half 
a passion say, there are two great higher divinities of our art: Beethoven and Gluck. 

Berlioz will now perhaps be called excessively sympathetic, even proud. However much all his powers of will were applied toward 
creation, the seemingly sober Flaubert expressed himself likewise: 

For an artist, there is only one way: sacrifice everything for art! For 14 years I have worked like a mule. I have lived my entire life 
in the service of will, with exclusion of my other passions which I locked into cages, and which I went to alone occasionally to inspect. 
You are fortunate, you lyricists, you have an outlet for your verses. If something torments you, you spew out a sonnet and that lightens 
your heart. But we poor devils, we prosaic ones, to whom every personality is refused — above all, myself — think of all the bitterness 
which falls back upon our souls, on all the moral phlegm which grips us by the throat. 

Scarcely anyone has described the hour of birth of a great work so beautifully as Nietzsche: 

Has anyone at the end of the nineteenth century a clear notion of what poets in strong eras called inspiration? Revelation is in the 
senses that something that is an indescribable certainty and freedom, something that becomes visible, something perceptible to the ear, 

something which shakes and overturns one's innermost heart one hears, one seeks not; one takes, one asks not who gives here; like a 

flash of lightning an idea appears, with necessity, unhesitatingly in form. I have never had a choice. A rapture whose enormous tension 
realises itself in a torrent of tears, by which the stride now involuntarily storms forward, then becomes slow; a perfect being outside of 

oneself a depth of happiness in which the most painful and gloomiest does not take effect as contrast but as conditioned, as 

challenged, as a necessary colour within such a superfluity of light All occurs in the highest degree involuntarily, but as in a storm of 

feeling of freedom, of unconditionality, of godliness. 

This is the unleashing of the same essence which once caused Lenau to proclaim after a performance of Fidelio: 

Then I was again seized by a storm of feelings and for two hours certainly the happiest man on earth when I think back to such 

enjoyments, then the courage fails me to dispute with destiny! 

And Beethoven himself, the man who, by his works, conclusively shattered the foundations of aesthetics aiming at contemplation 
and harmony. He expressed himself as follows to the young musician Louis Schlosser: 

Your wish to ask me from whence I take my ideas? That is something I cannot say with reliability. They come unsummoned, 
directly, indirectly. I could grasp them with my hands, in the freedom of nature, in the woods, on walks, in the stillness of the night, in 
the early morning. I am stimulated by moods which poets set to words but which I set to music — ringing, roaring, storming, until they 
finally stand before me in tones. 

After listening to the E flat from the B flat Major Quartet, Opus 130, Beethoven said to Holz: 

Never has my own music made such an impression on me; even feeling myself back to this piece always costs me a tear. 

Nevertheless, he then goes on to protest against all sentimentality and impulsive show of emotion when on the 15th of August, 
1812, he writes to Bettina von Arnim: 

I have expressed my opinion to Goethe as to the reason why applause has an effect upon such as us, and that by a man like him we 
wish to be heard with the intellect. Emotion is fit only for women in drawing rooms: with a man, music must strike fire from the spirit. 

This was evidence of the Germanic conquest of nature. 

Finally, what would the greatest poet among the Germans and the most sensitive diffuser of their soul say about the attempt to 
destroy the sublimity of the heart as a result of the artist's life being degraded to a disintegrating nothingness? Holderlin himself had 
already suffered from these men at a time when they still did not rule as almighty citizens over our life. Even Hyperion, in his search for 
great souls, had to confirm that they had become only barbaric through diligence, science, indeed even through their religion. Craftsmen, 
thinkers, priests, title bearers, were what Hyperion found — but no men, only piecework without unity of soul, without inner drive, 
without totality of life. Thus even virtues appeared as a glittering evil and he was shattered to discover that these men even wished to 
elevate their narrowness of mind into a law for the whole. What would Holderlin have felt at a later time, when art slid down from the 
heights of the theoretically conceded inducing of contemplation as a neutral domain to the level of furtherance of the digestion, or of 
increasing foreign tourism, of the Bacchanalia of noise technology? Once, he wished to present the genius of Greece to his Diotima, and 
was only able to give birth to a song of lamentation of a wounded mind. Today his work would be the sole cry of despair — or of 
attack — even more the outpourings of a glowing innermost torment of will. But the beauty which Holderlin felt as religion was not the 
contemplative satiety of our philosophising doctors, but the highest enhanced totality of life; a bundle of all elevations of soul tied 
together for a brief moment; of all longings of the heart; of all sinew cords of the will. And Holderlin' s poems were a tiny radiant rising 
of the supreme values of life and a divine longing for the distant: a summons to the giant heart of the world. He knew what he said when 
he wrote about the clever givers of advice. 

In this way one can pass through the longing, creating and experiencing of all real artists of the west. Everywhere at the beginning 
stands the concentrated artist's will, ready to become master of a great display, to knead it, to shape, to bring forth a new creation and 
then, in this dissolution of the aesthetic will — in accord with the total willing — to prepare his bliss. 

The Myth of the 20th Century 94 



This deep willed artistic power is faced particularly by a hostile assertion, delivered again and again by our modern aesthetes with 
predilection: the view that there exists an unmoralistic or amoralistic spirit. This view, which is obviously of purely individualistic 
nature, goes back to the attempted loosening of the artistic will from the essence of the will generally. One does not err in discerning 
there a feature of the impure Mediterranean race, which is spread particularly by the Jewish literary guild. Nordic Germanic art attacks, 
from the beginning, this assertion as a lie on the basis of spiritual content alone. One should read Wagner's letters to Liszt in order to 
measure how deeply true race separates itself from asphalt intellectualism. One should also take note of Beethoven's words: 

Handel is the greatest composer who ever lived. I want to lower my head and kneel upon his grave. Mozart's greatest work remains 
the Magic Flute. Here he first revealed himself as a German Master. Don Giovanni has a completely Italian style and, along with this, 
our sacred art ought never to allow itself to be degraded to the folly of such a scandalous subject. 

Only on the foundation of this character have the great creations of the Germanic west arisen: the cathedrals as well as the dramas 
and symphonies. The greatest conscious sensual attempt to awaken this sublime will is with Wagner's music drama. Wagner declared 
dance, music and poetry to be one art, and attributed the fragmentation of his times to the fact he believed that each one of the three arts 
had been isolated. They had arrived at the last boundaries of the capacity for expression and had distorted themselves. 

Beethoven's absolute music led the Master to this recognition, as we see in the 9th Symphony with its unprecedented use of voice. 
The music alone lacks the moral will. Its isolation signifies chaos or empty program music. Drama, alienated from music and dance — 
the most perfected shaping of lyricism — necessarily arrives after its loosening from the other arts, and only in the written tragedy which 
before could not be represented. This was Goethe's failure, just as it was the failure of his successors. The dance was originally only real 
and full blooded as the national dance. It was linked to folkish music and song. It became — thanks to this release — a motion of the legs 
alienated from nature without spiritual content and real rhythm. Wagner therefore saw the art work of the future in the union of the three 
arts. 

Wagner fought against a completely plebianised world and triumphed. The cultural work of Bayreuth remains forever beyond 
question. Nonetheless, a retreat begins today from the basic teachings of Wagner, against the assertion that dance, music and the poetic 
art are forever bound in the manner proclaimed by him; against the assertion that Bayreuth was, in fact, the unchangeable perfection of 
the Aryan mystery. Two facts show us that the form of the Wagnerian music drama has not always been completely successful — as in 
Tristan and Isolde and the Meistersinger. He also created a drama which reached out so high that it must fail: Ring of the Nibelungen. 
This proves that, just by the linking of word and music, the dance is mastered in its general form as a dramatic gesture. 

The word, in addition to its innate musicality, is always the bearer of a thought or feeling. However much one would like to regard 
language bearing thought as a nonaesthetic mode of expression, it is nevertheless the precondition of every real drama. Its clarity and 
possibility of comprehension determine the height and width of the auditorium. The technique of language is held to be the prerequisite 
of every great aesthetic representation. The formative will of the poet emerged only through the medium of language. As long as the 
word describes a human conflict, relates an event or mediates a thought process, it is not furthered by music. Any accompanying music 
destroys the medium of the transference of the will and thoughts. This is revealed in the narration by Tristan in the first act, in Wotan's 
dialogues with Briinnhilde, in Alberich's curse and in the song of the Norns in the prelude to the Twilight of the gods. Everywhere that 
there is the medium of a thought structure, the orchestra steps in the way. The same holds for almost all crowd scenes: In powerful 
swelling up tonal pictures, the assertions of the people vanish completely. The public only hears inarticulated loud outcries and sees only 
upraised hands. This does not lead to form, but to chaos. One should compare, for example, the beginning of Egmont with Brunnhilde's 
arrival at the castle in Burgundy. Goethe's crowd scene shows the greatest plastic liveliness. A few words from the left and the right 
represent the thoughts and the mood of whole human classes. The community in Egmont gives to this individual a real penetrating 
strength. A musical accompaniment during this mass scene would rob it of every measure of character. 

Apart from the expectation that Briinnhilde reveal her secrets of soul before the assembled people, her gestures — accompanied by 
music — develop in the word tone drama into a constricting scene which is not criticised solely out of enthusiasm for the will of Wagner. 
Here the tone has killed the word. 

This occurred because it was dogmatically asserted that during the music drama, the music must not cease for a moment. However 
much this is justified in the seizures of leadership at the beginning of the Rheingold, in the second and third act of Tristan and in the 
third act of the Meistersinger a barrier is formed, preventing the word from guiding one into the soul of Tristan, Mark and Hans Sachs. 
Beethoven's music for Egmont is the deepest of all music drama. But this music would not enthral the listener to such an extent if the 
conflicts between Egmont and Orange or between Egmont and Alba were accompanied by the orchestra. 

Along with the dance, drama is the sole art in which the living man is the means of representation. It has the task not only of having 
dramatic effect in time but also spatially through gestures. Motion is a function of space and time. It is the one form of viewing capacity 
in which a definite relationship of one part to another is established. The effect expressed in words demands unconditionally a strong 
outward movement of the entire man. The speed of alteration in space corresponds to the tempo of inner experience. In spoken drama it 
is possible to establish these space time relations unhindered. One's natural rhythm and motives (kinetic factor) are awakened by the 
spoken drama. 

For a long time the importance of motive factor had been exaggerated when sensualist psychological aesthetics ruled the field. The 
classical reaction, however, pushed it again much too far into the background. Without a doubt, this motive — the awakening of man — is 
the external expression of the highest willed instinct. The trumpets which sounded the attack and the Hohenfriederberger march, to 
whose sounds millions have gone to their death, show how much the heroic sound can produce a will which transforms itself kinetically 
into the highest bodily tensions of energy. To this same inspiring drama belongs the rhythm of the true national dance. To these sounds 
the people concerned answer spiritually and emotively. Time and space also stand in a fixed relationship here which is not hampered by 
other factors. But if the music joins the word drama and the word dance music, not during shorter sequences of time, but lastingly, then 
it is that artistic discords arise unavoidably. The old opera in which a hero announces his flight and yet stands still for ten minutes has 
been dismissed laughingly. But in Wagner's drama the inner harmony between word content and physical conduct is often frequently 

The Myth of the 20th Century 95 



hindered by the music. When, for example, Briinnhilde suddenly sees Siegfried at Giinfher's court and passionately approaches him, the 
words of her song hinder the course of the movement. Moreover, Siegfried must ward her off by gesturing in slow motion, so to speak. 
This holds true of most scenes in Rheingold between the gods and the giants. 

If, in these cases, the music disturbs, as if bound to the songs, to the ebbing of a spiritual motive, then the word cannot follow the 
speed of the dance. The latter must thus allow a falsification to please, a case which certainly seldom appears in music drama. 

These observations do not signify a criticism of unimportant things. They are aimed at some essential which Wagner and every 
opera singer has certainly painfully felt. It has been asserted that the three acts are not compatible but, irrespective of how they may have 
stood to one another in earlier times, the law of necessary form can be disregarded by none of them without artistic damage for they are 
not in fact one art. An attempt to wed these arts forcefully destroys spiritual rhythm and prevents emotive expression and impression. 
Wagner, whose entire art work is a continuous and enormous outpouring of will, frequently gets in his own way. In a strange paradox, 
some of Wagner's greatest strengths are also weaknesses. The majority of participants in the Wagnerian music drama unconsciously feel 
this without being able to explain their feeling of being ill at ease. Wagner's incomparable, impressive mystical heroic passages 
predominate yet also override some of the previously established relationships between time and space. These remarks are in no way 
intended to denigrate Wagner' s work. It created life and that is decisive. It was also a blessing that the previously isolated arts have been 
unified, and have thereby actually fortified one another. Perhaps one day another great man will come, one who will reach into 
contemporary life and, with regard to the newly experienced inner law of the three arts, present us with a new form of word tone drama 
using Egmont and Tristan as models. 

The essence of all Nordic western art has been revealed in Richard Wagner. It shows that the Nordic soul is not contemplative, that 
it does not lose itself in an individualistic psychology. Rather, it experiences the willed cosmic spiritual laws, and shapes our art 
spiritually architectonically. Richard Wagner is one of those artists in whom three factors coincide, each of which form a part of our 
entire artistic life: the Nordic ideal of beauty as it appears outwardly in Lohengrin and Siegfried, linked to deepest feeling for nature; the 
inner will of man in Tristan and Isolde; and the struggle for the highest value of Nordic western man: heroic honour, linked with inner 
truthfulness. This inner ideal of beauty is realised in Wotan, in King Mark and in Hans Sachs. Conversely, Parsival is a strongly 
emphasised weakening of the will in favour of an adoptive value. 

Here Wagner's soul life coincides with the deepest undertones of great European men. I will not record their names again. 

The highest one can attain is an heroic course of life 

confessed even Schopenhauer. This strength of the heroic will is the mysterious medium which has directed all our thinkers, 
researchers and artists. It is the spiritual content and longing in the greatest works of the west from Count Riidiger up to Eroica, Faust 
and Hans Sachs. It is the strength which determines everything. The ultimate goal of western art creation is the awakening of the spirit. 
This recognition stands as remote from the alienation from life by our classicism as from the superficial sensuous art and formalism of 
today. It compromises both and goes into the depths with them where they find all that was created from the essence of the Nordic 
western soul. 

What is shown in an unleashing of will among the greatest is also the essential commandment for all other true artists of the west. 
This commandment applies equally to those whose spiritual driving power does not reveal an equally strong, although identically 
directed, formative will. The result is unique. It is the agreeable, the intimate, the humorous. 

I have yet to find the products of other races — indeed, even of related groups of peoples — which can be described with these words: 
A little Gothic gabled house with dormer windows and small frames, the alcoves, carved doors, the inlaid trunks and chests and the 
painted wood panels. Rooms with low ceilings which look into the neighbour's kitchen. Add to these the stories by Gottfried Keller, the 
poems by the pastor Worike who loved the birds so much and wished to have all his possessions together with him in one narrow room; 
the poems of Raabe, the art of Dickens, the paintings of Cranach — everywhere we find the quietly working Germanic personality taking 
effect in its essence as pleasant and agreeable. As Raabe wrote, 

In the narrowest ring 

Many a worldwide thing. 

But the quietness of these artists is nevertheless not the same as classical repose. Certainly in all that is Germanic there also exists a 
deep longing for the oceanic calm of the heart. For hundreds of years Germanic men have wandered over the Alps. The eyes of countless 
generations have been turned towards Hellas. But nothing is more superficial than to say that the German seeks his lost essence, his lost 
model of conduct and his lost sense of harmony. No! The longing for rhythm, the expression of a strong willed soul always forms the 
basis, and reveals this search as a longing not only for the unveiling of one's own essence but for its imprint of a seeking after its 
complimentary elaboration. The eternally searching and active Nordic man seeks repose and is often inclined to value it higher than 
everything else. But once he has gained it by struggle he does not allow it to capture him. He seeks, researches and shapes further. No 
rest! wrote Beethoven in 1801 to Wegeler. I know of no other rest than sleep, and it causes me woe enough that I must devote to it more 
than otherwise. And if he is quiet then it nevertheless wells up further in the depths, always ready to be transformed into active, creative 
outflow. Germanic art is deep and active, the will given form. Dickens gilds men and the world with eternal, but with a completely and 
absolutely un Grecian, beauty. His sense of inward beauty is a play of will, first darker, then brighter and vividly toned, but always 
linked with effervescent action. Bleak House is perhaps the most precious fruit of this art, of an even more penetrating atmosphere than 
David Copperfield. Even under the pleasant fact of Raabe an active longing seethes in Abu Telfan which swells up in Die Innerste in a 
dramatic crescendo. No so very profound, although stronger in pathos, is C. F. Mayer's poetry as in the soul searching Die Richterin, 
The Monk's Wedding, and Jurg Renatsch. Keller, like a Gothic wood carver, planned out his eccentric figures, cut remarkable folds in 
their faces, and then sent them out into the unsentimental world. It is the fullness of life which is produced by the Germanic soul, 
culminating in such artists as Hermann Lons who heard the soul of the earth speak within himself. It is this natural mystical side which 
is just as perceptible in Lons as in Goethe's 

On every treetop is rest 

The Myth of the 20th Century % 



and 

Twilight sinks down from above. 

In the most concise description, eternal willing is present, eternal movement is concealed, and the werewolves act just as much 
according to their innermost will for spiritual racial freedom as a Faust who must fathom the entire world. Again, Raabe, living in 
outward quietude, was a true Hungerpastor, hungry for world wisdom. Look up to the stars! he instructs. Pay heed to the alleys is the 
echoing rejoinder. He sees true harmony not only in oceanic calm, but also in the furious storm which drags men with it, and gives his 
hero Robert Wolf the watchword on his path through life: Forward, even in chains! Through Gottfried Keller's creations, which seem to 
stand so clearly demarcated in the warm sun, flows the perceptible undercurrent of a self evident heroism. Julia und Romeo und dem 
Dorfe is such a piece of unsoftened greatness, and Frau Regula Amrain is an example of inward pride. The girl who sits weaving her 
wedding linen and works her love into it, sings that if her husband will not fight for his Fatherland, then her wedding linen should 
become a shroud. And the shepherd who high above in the mountains builds ever anew his hut destroyed by avalanches and tolerantly 
looks on, declares: If the avalanche of servitude falls upon my country, then I will myself set fire to the homestead and move out into the 
wide world. The Nordic man in middle class garb is a humorist. Admittedly, there is a growling and lamenting in his depths, but the 
effervescence is checked by a conscious self control and gilded by human understanding. Goethe could be just as much a humorist as 
Leonardo or Shakespeare. Cervantes is not a humorist as many still believe. But profound humorists like Gottfried Keller, Wilhelm 
Busch, even Charles Dickens and Spitzweg, nevertheless belong in the gentle thundering of the European essence. They are serene 
points of rest on dark ground. The forest is still movement, rustling rhythm, play of light and shadow, clear guiding of lines and dark 
mystery. As a folkish unit the people are struggling, triumphing, defeated, laughing and mourning. Their life goes down in cascades or 
flows in broad streams. And nevertheless, it is a water which reflects character. Thus the quietness of storm and Raabe and Keller belong 
alongside the greatness of Goethe and Wagner; the smiling tragedy of Busch alongside the pathos of Schiller. A dark undercurrent of the 
blood and soul binds them all, and even the quietest of them sounds the German song of eternal becoming and struggle for being. 

In no other living artist is this mystical natural expression of the will shaped more imposingly than in Knut Hamsun. No one knows 
why, with great effort, the farmer Isak cultivates one piece of land after another in godforsaken regions, or why his wife has joined him 
and gives birth to his children. But Isak follows an inexplicable law. He carries on a fruitful quest out of a mystical primal will. At the 
end of his existence he will certainly look back in astonishment at the harvest of his activity. The Growth of the Soil is the great present 
day epic of the Nordic will in its eternal primordial form. Nordic man can be heroic even behind the wooden plough. Every stirring of 
his muscle bears fruit. Benoni, Mack the merchant, Baroness Edvarda and Glan the huntsman — each personality has received an inner 
law breathed into it from the beginning and acts accordingly. It does seemingly incompatible things — yet these acts are nevertheless self 
evident. One does not even need to explain them psychologically. Their exterior is itself the inner will. The vibrating of our will with the 
strength which created everything is the actual aesthetic experience. Vagabonds appears as a counterpiece to the character of Isak, 
immersed in the earth. In the same medium Hamsun, in a mysterious natural insight, describes the laws of the universe and of the soul. 
Once again the characters are peasants, fishermen, merchants, in whom a world is reflected. Through travel, through unsatisfied 
longings, they lose contact with Mother Earth whose blessing is no longer with them. They move from place to place, exchanging 
activities and loving. But since the roots are torn out of the strength giving earth, the blossoms also die. So they live their lives — Edvart, 
August, Lovise Margrets — without knowing why and without direction. They are symbols of decline, transition in the best case, 
experimental fragments of mankind, arriving at new forms and types, but unable to create values or gain honour. They live as the past 
for the past has captured them, self evidently and mysteriously. Yet the Nordic spirit is never fully repressed or lost. 

And finally that longing! It is longing which drives an artist's heart to creation in exactly the same way that it sends explorers out on 
journeys of discovery. The entire German Romantic movement is just as inconceivable without the sense of longing as was once the 
Gothic. Holderlin is the greatest among the artists of longing in our times. This primal element of his nature always breaks through 
irrespective of whether he sees the dream image of Hellas as embodied in Diotima or sings his Song to the Germans. A Holderlin would 
not at all grasp what was meant if one were to speak in his presence of contemplation. On our side we would have understood nothing 
about him if we had not experienced the aesthetically willed longing element of his creations in the depths of our own vital longing. It is 
this primal urge which also created two products of the contemporary German value creating literature: Hans Grimm' s Volk ohne Raum 
and Erwin Kolbenheyer's Paracelsus. The bells which resound from the village on the Weser and accompany Cornelius Friebott through 
the world are the expression of the longing for space, for ploughland, for the use of inborn creative powers. These bells of longing from 
Lippoldsberg also ring out, mourning the death of he who sought to awaken the folkish spirit of all racially Nordic Germans, no matter 
where they live and even if from a formal technical aspect there are some things to be regretted in Volk ohne Raum. Its portrayal of the 
human character may lag somewhat behind Sigrid Undset's Kristin Lavransdotter — whose character representations, for example of 
Erland Nikulaussohn, are masterworks. The primal longing is absent in the Norwegian authoress, whereas it is evident in every page of 
Grimm's work. The more her characters speak about faith and theology, the more the reader comes to believe that her intentions are 
attempts to transfer her ideas into the innermost heart of figures who do not appear as carriers of basic feelings of life. And it is here, 
where Kolbenheyer, returning into the middle ages, draws close to Grimm. Kolbenheyer makes the eternal wanderer speak to the god on 
the cross: 

There is no other people like this, which has no gods and yet eternally desires to see god. 

He takes the weary Christ, who lies begging at the wayside, in his strong arms and carries him through the German lands. The 
wretched, tormented figure of Christ inhales the strong breath of this German genius and becomes stronger and more powerful. He then 
speaks about the Germans: 

They do not recognise me any more, for they have only tongues for their eternal gods which carry the seal of death. Everything else 
seems small to them. But they see me. This people's blood still has so much that is pristine, primordial in its source, flowing through its 
veins! They must be thus because they are men who are filled with longing 

From this world vision the great searcher Paracelsus arises from the poet's imagination and stands on the threshold of two great 

The Myth of the 20th Century 97 



epochs, gazing beyond both with a longing toward a time when word no longer stands against word, altar against altar. This will must be 
fitted into the primal laws of life. 

Does anyone believe that a Kolbenheyer could have written his great work out of mere artistic enjoyment and because he himself is 
a man filled with a tremendous longing? And does anyone not believe that they understand his work who have not felt the same power 
of longing grow within them? Whoever believes that has not only not understood this novel, but has not even remotely grasped the 
essence of Germanic art. They grasped neither Ulrich von Ensingen nor Meister Erwin nor the poet of Faust nor the creator of Hyperion. 
Since they possessed this feeling, none of them wished that the result of their creations be contemplation; not that thought! He conceived 
of things in a purely intellectual way. Such thinkers awake a longing for the willed side of our nature, away from the dullness of 
ordinary feeling. We expand it in one direction, holding it high and, in this production of strength, create an active spiritual life. 

It is a significant world historical fact that however religious the European of earlier times was, however much a religious longing is 
again occurring (admittedly still concealed for many, but nevertheless in many places deep), however many mystics and devout men the 
west produced — absolute religious genius or completely autocratic embodiments of the divine in one man, is something that Europe still 
does not possess. However richly talented, however powerful and surpassing in forms it was, until the present, we have still not created a 
religious form worthy of us. Neither Francis of Assisi, Luther, Goethe nor Dostoyevsky are founders of a religion for us. No 
Jajnavalkya, Zarathustra, Lao Tse, Buddha or Jesus has arisen in Europe. 

Europe's religious search was poisoned at the source by an alien raced format. Its first mythological epoch is nearing its end. 
Western man could no longer think, feel or pray in forms which were true to his type. After a violent, unsuccessful defence he was 
saddled with the substitute belief of the church which had been forced upon him. A rich treasury of legend flowered on the stony ground 
of the Jewish Roman dogmas. Magnificent figures with intuition and the reshaping of the true Jesus were cast against the rigid Syrian 
superficialities. Heroes were convinced to fight and to die for their adoptive beliefs. The deeds of the rich merchant's son from Assisi 
were not creative. Neither were these deeds an aristocratic overcoming of the world like the action of the Indian who smilingly laid 
himself in a grave he had dug. They were only a denial of the world and the suppression of the self. That is the tragic song of all 
European saints. It is a purely nihilistic side of western religious life. The European could not have positive creative effect on the world 
that was true to his racial type. Whenever he attempted it, as in the shape of the blessed master Eckehart, the church values vanished and 
dissipated. Even the promise of a new religion easily overcame the alien church, although it had to build and grow under its ban. This 
apostle of the Germans died before he could fully and consciously instruct the people in the new religion. 

So Europe then went down and physically subjugated the world and universe. But the spiritual search, which was not truly religious, 
but only Roman Jewish, displaced the equilibrium of the religious and artistic will. India's hymns of antiquity are less art products than 
religious philosophical creeds. China's images of the gods remain as a grotesque distortion of nature or are elevated to mere forms of 
stylisation and normalisation. Greece became an abstract form for us. In Europe alone art became a true medium of overcoming the 
world: a religion in itself. Whereas Egypt's paintings were mere compositions of draughtsmanship, Griinewald's The crucifixion, a 
Gothic cathedral, a self portrait by Rembrandt, a fugue by Bach, the Eroica of Beethoven, the CHORVS MYSTICVS in Goethe's Faust, 
are all allegories of a completely new soul, of a constantly active soul to which Europe alone has given birth. 

Wagner longed for folkish art as a symbol. The common original source of the individual arts appeared to him to proclaim a new 
epoch. 

We are not at first able to create this religion of the future, because we are still only isolated, lonely ones. A work of art is the living 
representation of religion, but religions are not invented by the artist, they only arise from the people. 

Once Wagner wanted this: an art as religion. Alone with Lagarde he later struggled as an individual against the entire bourgeois 
capitalistic world of the Alberichs and, with his talent, felt he undertook a task in the service of his people. He did not say in a state of 
collapse: I no longer understand the world. Rather, he wished to create another world. He had a premonition of a new, awakening life. 
Against him stood a world press which had sold itself out, a sated Philistinism, an era completely devoid of ideals. Even if the people of 
our times felt themselves estranged from the forms of the Bayreuth idea or unsympathetic to it, this idea has been the real source of life 
in the midst of a barbaric time. In all states where there lived men who confronted life not only by aesthetics and uncreative protests, 
Bayreuth found harmonising souls. While the oft acclaimed social poets maintained only a pathetic existence, the inner value of 
Bayreuth still rises as a guide to our times. It still gives life, reaching beyond into the future of the coming German Reich. 

Gerhart Hauptmann merely gnawed at the rotten roots of the 19th century middle classes and constructed theatrical pieces from 
newspaper reports. He educated himself, then abandoned the struggling social movement. He was aestheticised to our values in the 
steamy Galician circles of the Berliner Tageblatt. He mimed the posture of Goethe before the photographers. Then, in 1918, after the 
victory of the bourgeoisie, he allowed himself to be set up before the German people by the financial press as their greatest poet. 
Inwardly worthless, Hauptmann and his circle are unfruitful disintegrators of a time to which they inwardly belong. In none of them — 
neither in the Sudermanns or Wedekinds, certainly even less so in the later swarm of Mann, Kaiser, Werfel, Hansenclever and 
Sterheim — did a true protest flame up in the heart. 

Although Marxist Socialism failed politically, it was able to abort the Germanic renewal movement. Although this movement 
struggled for artistic expression, it was betrayed and falsified by this arrogant Marxist Hebrew literary guild. All these workers' poets 
died inwardly before the power of money and its slaves. These poets only pretended to fight. They are all intellectual upstarts who 
became well endowed and human as soon as they were allowed to eat at the table of the princes of money. The revolutionary features of 
Die Rauber, of Kabale und Liebe, indeed even of Wilhem Tell, are not to be traced in the 19th century. The creation of the prostitute 
Lulu is the highest to which these poets could attain. But in order to suppress what was truly daring and struggling, the princes of money 
formed a cartel with Jewish theatre directors and press lords. The latter praised everything that is insolent, corrupt, artificial, impotent 
and crippled. It fought ever more resolutely and consciously against every true renewal of the world as it once had against Richard 
Wagner. For they knew that what is great means the death of what is small. A new value, once recognised, obliterates what is worthless. 

In this greatest struggle we live and breathe today more than ever. We can no longer shut ourselves off and become forgetful of the 

The Myth of the 20th Century 98 



world or from the flow of life. We, in fact, can no longer do this since we know that an entire International confronts with deadly 
hostility the new values of the awakening race soul. At the head of this stands a host of bastard artists. Barbusse, Sinclair, Unamuno, 
Ibanez, Maurois, Shaw and their publishers worked in the closest collaboration with Mann, Kaiser Fulda, and their newspaper clique. 
They ensure praise, translation and performances for each other. The entire world press publicises three months in advance the great 
revelation that Thomas Mann is writing a new novel. Each reports through the mouth of the other how Thomas Mann rests, how he 
thinks and how he works — whether in closed room or in the open air, whether in the morning or the evening. This resolute, 
contemporary Philistinism decays in its living body in spite of all the hymn singers in the media of Jewish advertising. It murmurs about 
mankind and about peace between the peoples, and about justice. But it has not an ounce of true full blooded humanity to impart. It has 
made peace with the powers which regarded the world war as their business. It writes in newspapers which mock the true right of a 
nation to the intrinsic expression of its essence. Stagnant like political democracy itself are its psalmists — George Bernard Shaw and his 
clique and others — who, year by year, only suck out our life substance. Despite their failures to develop a culture or a value, they kick 
their opponents like a donkey. 

There is some possible excuse for the failures of the 19th century — the fact that its men stood in the midst of a rushing torrent of 
awakening industrialism. They, like many others in other times, were overwhelmed by what is new. They felt the old values tremble, but 
who could censure them if they saw no sunrise — but perished? But the 20th century revealed men who were arrogant enough to appear 
as prophets of a new system. Today, we see that everything which they preached was bloated carrion in whose strength they did not 
themselves believe. Ibsen and Strinberg struggled honourably until their death. The last contemporary prophets of Democracy and 
Marxism have no belief in others and they carry no personal values within themselves. They now root around in Chinese, Greek and 
Indian literature for forms. Witness the world of Klabund, Hoffmansthal, Hansenclever, Reinhardt! Such writers merely polish and copy 
the literature of blacks from Timbuctoo. They then set before their public a new beauty and a new rhythm of life. 

That is the essence of the intellectuality of today, the modern drama, the modern theatre, modern music! A stink of corpses 
emanates from Paris, Vienna, Moscow and New York. The parasitic Jew mingles with the scum of all peoples. Bastards are the heroes 
of the times. Whores and naked dance reviews under black management were the art form of the November democracy. The end, the 
total plague of the soul, seemed imminent. 

The millionfold host of workers in mines and those before the flames of the blast furnaces were enslaved and robbed. They 
experienced want and suffered from all the terrors of an obtrusive new machine rulership. Yet they would not surrender. They fought. 
They sought for a leader figure, but found none. It is shattering to have to admit that, at the head, were grime covered but powerful 
figures led by — as long as it was not dangerous — Jewish lawyers and traitors who were financed by large banks. The worker poets were 
unable to give birth to one genuine fighter. No knight was found in the struggling army of workers, neither in life nor in art. 

Bebel remained a little sergeant his whole life long. Hauptmann did not progress beyond Die Weber and Kollegen Crampton. In this 
fact alone we find the proof that Marxism was not a real German, not a real western, movement of freedom, for a movement true to its 
racial type creates its heroic figures as its supreme value. But in place of a Nordic racial literature came a cowardly rabble of Marxist 
leaders who allowed themselves to be bought by anyone who had the money. In place of a totality, class stepped forward as a Jewish 
value. The German worker forgot that one may not betray folk and Fatherland, but must conquer; but under Jewish leadership he 
destroyed both. 

The new awakening workers' movement — National Socialism — will need to prove that it is in a position to present the German 
worker and the entire people not only with a workable political idea but also with an ideal of the beauty of masculine strength and will. 
Our supreme spiritual value will prevail over all others. We will create the prerequisite for an organic art which produces life. In all 
towns and cities of Germany we can already see the potential of acceptance of our ideas. The faces which gaze forth from the war 
memorials, from under their steel helmets, have everywhere a similarity which can only be described as mystical: a steep furrowed 
brow, a strong straight nose with angular frame, a firmly closed mouth with the deep fissures of a tensioned will. The widely spread eyes 
look straight ahead, as into the distance, and into eternity. The willed manliness of the front soldier is distinguished from the ideal of 
beauty of earlier times. The inner strength has become clearer than it was at the time of the Renaissance or during the Baroque period. 
This new beauty is also a racially intrinsic image of the beauty of the German worker, of the present day struggling Germans as a whole. 
But in order to prevent this life giving allegory from arising, conquering morphium sick bastards in Jewish workers' newspapers and 
periodicals paint us with crippled and distorted faces. They fashion woodcuts in which idiocy and epilepsy are supposed to represent 
will. Meanwhile, the churches helplessly order more The crucifixions or more Lambs of god. 

But nothing is of avail; the betrayal of 1918 has begun to avenge itself on the traitors. By looking at death in battles; out of the 
struggle, wretchedness and misery, a new generation strives upward. This generation sees before its eyes an old yet new ideal of beauty 
that is true to type, a beauty which is animated by a true to type creative will. The future belongs to us. 

Behind the old aesthetic values, a new extraaesthetic value system arises. The personality conditions the man and his aesthetics, and 
these enhance one another. A true personality always interacts with the racial supreme value. For example, a slave is given a certain life 
form by his personality which has accepted unconditional subjection. The superior man has a superior personality and these interact. A 
bastard screams his obscenities and these are part of, and interact with, his personality. 

In the midst of the collapse of 1918 the new generation of Germany sought a new art, but with the knowledge that such could not be 
born until a new supreme value could be established over the whole of life — until it shall have taken possession of us. It is no accident 
that the world war has not yet found its poets. However emotionally stirring individual songs may be, folk and Fatherland as values both 
suddenly appeared among us. Only in the midst of battles was the German Myth awakened. Those who experienced it most strongly are 
covered by the sod or the billowing waves of the sea. The others fell into the mire of the collapse. The majority lost their faith in fighting 
at all for anything that was of value. Today, however, what is universally personal comes from the individual. The need of the times 
engraves it onto the heart of every German. Even the smallest sacrifice in the world war signified sacrifice for 80 million Germans. 
These 80 million alone — through the community of the sacrifices made for them — belong together forever along with their children and 

The Myth of the 20th Century 99 



their descendants. The abstract enthusiasm before the war for the Fatherland is today, in spite of all earlier parliaments, a real mystic 
experience. This experience will, and must, be enhanced by a self evident feeling of reality. Moreover, this feeling signifies that the 
atoms of the peoples, the individual souls, have gradually begun to adjust themselves toward identity of mind. Personalities who further 
this with all their strength, year by year, will then by natural necessity be pushed to the fore. And whatever shape political life may 
continue to take, the hour of the birth of the poet of the world war has come! He knows with all others that the two million dead German 
heroes are the real living, that they gave their lives for nothing other than the honour and freedom of the German people, that in this deed 
lies the sole source of our spiritual rebirth, and that this is the sole value under which all Germans can live without contradiction. This 
German poet will then, with a strong hand, drive out the worms from our theatres; he will make fruitful the musicians with a new heroic 
music, and guide the chisel of the sculptor. The heroic memorials and memorial groves will be shaped through a new generation to 
create places of pilgrimage to a new religion, where German hearts can be formed anew again and again in the sense of a new Myth. 
Then will the world be born again through art. 



Book III: The Coming Reich 



Chapter I. Myth and Type 

The time will one day come when people will honour their great dreamers for being decisive men of action. The dreamers 
developed an image and out of these visions a goal of life was created. While they walked among us as men of science and religion and 
as philosophers and statesmen, they made the decisions and fabricated the ideas, in various media and in many ways, which ideas shaped 
our world. The dream of an inventor is the first expression of a spiritual strength. It directs all inner motion in one direction — in the 
torment of recognition that the inward vision cannot be completely realised. It enhances all spiritual and intellectual energies, and finally 
gives birth to the creative act around the axis of which a new era rotates like the rotation of the earth on its axis. 

Once the Nordic spirit dreamed its dreams on the Mediterranean sea and in Hellas; dreamed of the nearness of the sun and the flight 
of men far beyond Olympos. This longing created the drama of Ikaros. That spirit died like Ikaros, but one day it would revive to pulsate 
in another place. Sun maidens and sword maidens were sent through the air by dreaming man who, in storm and all weather, saw the 
Valkyries hunt above him, and then he himself soared up into the infinitely remote Valhalla. 

The age old longing became image in Wieland the Smith, and it died once more in order to reawaken to a new life in Leonardo's 
workroom. From the imagery of the poet came a practical transforming will. A strong humanity had seized nature and, with a masterful 
searching gaze, learned her laws by quietly listening. But it was nevertheless always too early. Four hundred years later those who 
dreamed of human flight mastered the brittle material. Matter was this time constrained, concentrated purposefully to harnessed energy, 
the driving motive was found. One day a silver airship flew glittering through the air rapidly and controlled as a realised drama of many 
millennia. 

The forms of realisation were other than as the first dreamers had conceived them, which was a mere technicality and remained 
temporarily bound. But the spiritually masterful impetus was the eternal, inexplicable goal setting will overcoming earthly gravity. 

Once men dreamed of an all seeing and all hearing Being. They called it Zeus. It gazed from the clouds of Olympos over the land, 
or perhaps as Argus. Only a few were bold enough to demand the same for men. But these few dreamers investigated the essence of the 
lightning throwing god, and examined the mysteriously unleashed natural forces. One day with the aid of these forces they spoke far 
apart with one another, linked only by a wire. Then even this wire was no longer necessary. Tall slender towers today send mysterious 
waves out into the entire world, and these discharge themselves thousands of miles away as song or music. A bold dream again became 
life and reality. 

In the midst of a desert, warriors and conquerors once dreamed of a paradise. This dream of a few was transformed into the labour 
of millions. From one stream to another trickling water passed through ditches, in well planned lines through the arid desert. As if 
altered by magical powers, the yellow sand turned green and grain fields rustled, pregnant with heavy fruit. Towns and cities arose, art 
and science flowered until over this Paradise conjured up by a dreaming human race, dreamless conquerors passed, destroying 
everything. They consumed the fruits of the land but did not understand the living dream. The canals silted up, the water turned stagnant 
and ran back into its original river bed from where it streamed back into the shapeless Indian Ocean. The forests were crippled, the 
wheat fields vanished; in place of the grass there reappeared stone and drifting sand. Men perished or moved on, the cities sank back into 
the sand, the dust settled over them. Thousands of years later Nordic dreamers dug up the petrified culture from rubble and ashes. 
Today, the entire picture of the former paradise stands before our eyes as a spent dream which had once produced life, beauty and 
strength as long as a superior race ruled. It will live again and it will dream again. But as soon as races of a dreamless kind took over and 
attempted to realise the dream, reality vanished with the dream. 

Just as in the land of the two rivers there was a dream of a fruitfulness and power, so a great generation in Hellas dreamed of beauty 
and life creating Eros. In India and on the Nile men dreamed of discipline and holiness. Germanic men dreamed of the paradise of 
honour and duty. 

Alongside the prophetic dreams there are also destructive dreams. They are just as real and often just as strong as the creative ones. 
Tales are still heard even today of the small dark peoples in India whose piercing gaze charms snakes and birds, forcing them into the 
nets of huntsmen. We know of the monstrously strong evil dream of Ignatius Loyola, whose soul destroying breath lies even today over 
our entire culture. We also know the dream of the black dwarf Alberich who cursed love for the sake of world domination. On Mount 
Zion a dream was cultivated for centuries, the dream of gold, of power, of lies and hatred. This dream drove the Jews around the entire 
world, a restless, strong dream. Here it creates reality, there it destroys reality. It is the bearer of evil lives and weaver of visions even 
today among us. The Jew's dream, experienced for the first time in all its power three thousand years ago, almost became reality after 
many aborted attempts in which he misused god and dreamed of world domination. Abandoning love, beauty, honour, the Jew dreamed 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 00 



only of the loveless, the ugly and the honourless, The Jew sought domination and, until 1933, seemed stronger than us. Because we had 
ceased to search for our dream, and because we had lost our dream, we had even attempted to experience the dream of the Jews. This 
also caused the German collapse of 1918. 

The greatest and most blessed thing in the German life is the mythical, sensitive, yet strong, awakening. The fact is that we have 
again begun to dream our own primal dreams — not with willed intent but far more spontaneously — in many places simultaneously — all 
in the same direction. It is again the old, yet new, dream of Meister Eckehart, of Frederick the Great and of Lagarde. 

Once, Nordic Vikings sailed into the world. True, they robbed like all other warriors, but they dreamed of honour and state, of ruling 
and creating. Everywhere they came, images of their individual culture rose; in Kiev, in Palermo, in Brittany, in England. Where an 
essence alien to their race and dream appeared, the dreamed realities broke; where similar type dreamers lived, a new culture was born. 

The dream of an honourable Reich made the ancient German emperors take to the sword against the knights who revolted against 
them. This dream drove them to distant Rome, to the endless Orient. Their blood trickled away among the ruins of Italy and at the holy 
sepulchre. Despite this bloodletting they did not experience their dream. The old dream became alive again on Markish sand. But it 
subsequently declined again and seemed lost and forgotten. Today we have at last begun to dream again. 

A seer in the midst of revelry during the second Kaiserreich laid down the Germanic Nordic western dream. Almost single handedly 
he created racially inherent goals. In his Deutsch Schriften and in various passages from his other great works he wrote: 

There has never been a truly German state. The present day state is a hollow shell. Our political life is a farce. Public opinion a 

cowardly whore That the German Reich is incapable of life, is now clear to every eye We live in the midst of a civil war which 

provisionally takes its course without direction. Our substitute for the racial state is conducted with the greatest vulgarity by silence and 

slander We are ill from the necessity of having to do in 1878 what we should have done in 878 The belief in immortality 

becomes more and more a condition for us under which we can alone maintain life in a Jewish German state which is mistakenly 
fabricated out of clay and iron. The religious concept of Christianity is false. True religion is the personal relationship to god. True 

worship is the unconditional present Paul brought the old testament into the church. The truth and the message of the gospels have 

been overwhelmed. Their doctrine has perished That a national religion is necessary to every nation is revealed by the following 

considerations. Nations originate not by physical breeding, but by undergoing common historical events. They are subjected to the rule 

of providence. Therefore, true nations are of divine appointment. They are created to recognise ever anew god's mission. In doing 

god's will his nation may dip into the well which gives eternal youth. To always serve him in our assigned mission means to acquire 

higher purposes, and with them, a higher life World religion in the singular and national religions in the plural — these are the 

beginning points of two diametrically opposed camps Nations are ideas of god! Catholicism, protestantism, Jewry and Naturalism 

must be cleared from the field before beginning a new world outlook, so that they are no longer thought of, just as the night lamp is no 
longer thought of when the morning sun shines over the mountains. The unity of Germany becomes more questionable day by day. 
There is only one guilt for man, that of not being himself. The great future which I announce and demand, lies still far before us 

It is not such a long time since this great German dreamer passed from us: Paul de Lagarde died on December 22, 1891. After 
Meister Eckehart he was perhaps the first who had given verbal expression to the eternal German dream. He was without those ties 
which still enchained the greater earlier teacher, Eckehart. What motivated German knights thousands of years ago, drove them up to the 
heights but also into error and guilt, became brilliant consciousness here for the first time. Today the German people begins to dream 
Eckehart' s and Legarde's dreams again. But many still have not the courage for this dream. Alien dream visions still often hinder their 
spiritual effectiveness. For this reason, a modest attempt is undertaken here to lay down what in the two preceding books was 
represented more analytically as our essence, as an image, insofar as this is permeated by the eternal Nordic Germanic ideas, not in 
technical details. And where this must be outlined, it is done with the awareness that they could take a completely different appearance if 
new means of mastery over the earth are found. The flight of Ikaros differed from the building of the zeppelins in nearly everything. 
However, the will which gave a direction to this effort was a similar one. Moreover, a determined will, grounded on a clear order of rank 
of values, coupled with organic strength of outlook, will also one day — despite all hindrances — enforce its realisation in all domains. 

The values of character, the lines of spiritual life, the colourfulness of symbols run alongside each other, entwine with each other, 
and result in a man. But only when in complete full blooded abundance, when they themselves are consequences, is that which emanates 
from one centre — that which lies beyond the empirical — born. This incomprehensible synthesis of the individual consciousness of the 
peoples, of a community as a whole, forms its Myth. Homeros's world of the gods was such a Myth, which protected Greece and 
maintained it even when alien men and their values began to gain power over Hellenic life. The myth of the beauty of Apollo; and the 
strength of Zeus; of necessity and destiny in the Cosmos; and the human essence mysteriously linked with it. All these things constituted 
what was Greek influence over thousands of years. Although it only gathered around type breeding strength with Homer. 

However, not only a creative dream vision unfolds such enormous strength. It unfolded as well in the vast and destructive strength 
which emanated from the Jewish parasitical dream of world domination. For over three thousand years he has carried forward the black 
magic of politics and trade. The current of this impulsive power to acquire gold often arose forsaking love. The children of Jacob 
operated the golden nets that enchained the great hearted, the tolerantly thinking or the weakened peoples. In Mephistopheles we find 
such a figure of corrupted power. It is found today in the laws that direct the lords of the grain and diamond exchanges, the World press 
and the League of Nations. The strength of Nordic spiritual flight has been crippled. The creature of Ahasverasus, earthen heavy, sucks 
at the lamed muscles. Where any kind of wound is torn open in the body of a nation, the Jewish demon always eats itself into the 
infected part and, as a parasite, it exploits the weak hours of the great nations of this world. His mentality is not to fight as a hero for 
enlightened, constructive rule, but to make the world liable to financial interest. This is the direction of this parasite, strong of strong — 
not to fight but to creep; not to serve values, but to devaluate — these things constitute his law according to which he has moved and from 
which he can never escape as long as he exists. 

In this great, perhaps final, conflict between two souls that are worlds apart, that is where we stand today. This conflict of the 
German genius with the Jewish demon has been unwillingly described by a half Jew in its essential features. He writes: (Arno 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 1 



Schickedanz: Social parasitism in the life of folks): 

The evil demon of Jewry is Phariseeism. It is certainly the bearer of the hope of the Messiah, but simultaneously is the guardian 

which prevents any Messiah from arriving That is the specific, most dangerous form of Jewish denial of the world The Pharisee 

actively denies the world. He ensures that, where possible, nothing takes shape, and in so doing he is driven by a demonic emotion. This 
apparent denial is thus actually a particularly violent kind of world affirmation, but with negative symptoms. The Buddhist would be 
happy if around him the world fell asleep. The Pharisee would be finished if around him life did not wish to take on shape again and 

again, for then his life function of denial would no longer find a use They are the spirit which always denies, and with an ecstatic 

affirmation of a Utopian existence which can never be, conceal the arrival of the Messiah. They would have to hang themselves like 
Judas, if the latter really came, since they are completely incapable of yea saying. 

If one wishes to probe thoroughly into the depths of these admissions and similar confidences which frequently suddenly appear, 
then everywhere the same result is revealed: Parasitism. In this context the concept will not be grasped as a moral evaluation but as the 
characterisation of a biological fact, in exactly the same way as we speak of parasitical phenomena in the plant and animal world. The 
sack crab bores through the posterior of the pocket crab, gradually growing into the latter, sucking out its last life strength. This is an 
identical process to that in which the Jew penetrates into society through the open wounds in the body of the people, feeding off their 
racial and creative strength until their decline. In fact, this destructiveness is that active denial of the world of which Schmitz speaks, the 
concern at the fact that nothing takes shape. The Jew — the Pharisee, the parasite — himself possesses no talent for indigenous growth, no 
organic shape of the soul and therefore no racial shape. Heretofore only one researcher has alluded to this extraordinarily important point 
which, according to strictly scientific proof concerning the biological laws operative with the Jewish parasite, finds its closest 
explanation in that the outward diversity of Jewry does not stand in contradiction to its inner unity but — however remarkable this may 
sound — as its condition. Schickedanz stressed the very opposite notion in his description of the Jewish antirace. Its parasitic life activity 
likewise is manifested in a certain blood selection, remaining always the same, always the opposite of the constructive labour of the 
Nordic race. Conversely, wherever in the world parasitic cells formed, these have always felt themselves drawn to Jewry. This was 
exactly the case when the scum of Egypt left the land of the Pharaohs along with the Hebrews. 

It corresponds to this parasitical devaluation of creative life that the parasite also has his Myth. In the case of Jewry this driving 
force is like the delusions of grandeur by an insane man. This is the Myth of the chosen. It sounds like mockery that a god could have 
chosen this antination — whose description Wilhelm Busch and Schopenhauer have already exhaustively provided — as his favourite. 
However, since the image of god is formed by man, so it is naturally understandable that this god has sought out this people among all 
others. In this respect it was only good for the Jews that their creative incapacity prevented them from also representing this god bodily. 
Otherwise the outcry of horror among all Europeans would then certainly have prevented the taking over of Jehovah and his 
ennoblement by poets and painters from the start. 

With these words the most important things about Jewry have been said. From the demon of eternal denial springs the uninterrupted 
gnawing away at all expressions of the Nordic soul; that inner impossibility to say yes to the greatness of Europe; that everlasting 
combating of a real cultural form in the service of shapeless anarchism which is only scantily cloaked by prophecies devoid of essence. 

Jewish parasitism as a concentrated enormity is thus derived from the Jewish Myth, the domination of the world agreed to by the 
god Yahweh for the racial cultivation of Ezras. The Talmud of the rabbis has created a common outlook and a blood of unbelievable 
tenacity. The character of the Jews in their intermediary activity and decomposition of the alien types has remained always constant, 
from Joseph in Egypt to Rothschild and Rathenau; from Philon by way of David ben Solomon up to Heine. Until 1800 the unscrupulous 
moral code had first place for the training and breeding of the Jewish type. Without the Talmud and the Schulchan Aruch, Jewry is not 
conceivable as a totality. After a short epoch, when the Jews also appeared emancipated at the end of the 19th century, the antiracial idea 
has stepped into the foreground as fully justified, and has made its stamp in the Zionist movement. The Zionists declare interest in the 
Orient, yet energetically safeguard themselves against going to Palestine as pioneers of Europe. A leading writer even openly said that 
the Zionists would Fight alongside in the ranks of the wakening Asiatic peoples. From the fire of all burning thorn bushes and from the 
nights of solitude only one cry resounds to them: Asia. Zionism, it is asserted, is only a partial idea of pan Asiaticism. At the same time a 
spiritual and political link passes over to the idea of Red Bolshevism. The Zionist, Holitscher, discovered the inner parallels between 
Moscow and Zion, while the Zionist, F. Kohn, declared that — from the patriarchs — a single line extends up to Karl Marx, to Rosa 
Luxembourg, and to all Jewish Bolshevists who have served the cause of freedom. 

This Zionism proclaims its wish to found a Jewish state. A desire may quite honourably exist among a few leaders for some final 
redemption to build a pyramid of life on the soil of the Jewish nation. Building such a state results in a vertical structure in deference and 
contrast to the horizontal layering of former existence. Regarded from the primordial aspect, this Jewish infection is alien to our national 
feeling and the ideas of state of the European peoples. An attempt to really form an organic community of Jewish farmers, workers, 
craftsmen, technicians, philosophers, soldiers and statesmen, contradicts the instincts of this antirace. Such an idea is condemned to 
collapse from the start. If the Jews were really let loose among themselves, they would produce no culture. Orthodox Jews represent the 
real Jewish essence. They absolutely reject those parts of Zionism that imitate western philosophies of life. They lay claim to a world 
mission, fighting consciously against the attempt to make out of Israel a nation like any other. Such a thought is dismissed as 
representing a decline. This logical conduct is regarded as an insight by many Zionists. Their own movement is already regarded in a 
completely different way than in its first period. Theodor Herzl created orthodox Zionism as a protest against the universal European 
Zionist Congress in August 1929 in Zurich. A leading Zionist, Martin Buber, established the various viewpoints. There are three 
fundamental outlooks of the Jewish nation: one says that Israel is less than a nation; the second places Israel on the side of the modern 
nations; and the third, which is also the view of Buber, reveals Israel as a whole nation which is superior to other nations. In this 
connection, the authority on Zionist orthodoxy Der Israelit remarked: 

This is, in fact, what we have been saying day in, year out, and upon which our position of rejection of modern Zionism is based: 
that it does not place Israel above the nations. 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 02 



If the Zionist ideology were fertilised by the ideas of the chosen of Israel — to march with prophetic mission at the head of the 
peoples — then Buber, the successful mediator of biblical word and idea, understands the supernational task of Israel. He must have 
learned this from the prophets. We are moved by these words, thus understood to be the central points in the Jews' program. They are 
the centre of Zionist thought and activity. We would have reason to fight in Zionism a contradictory idea. The Jewish nation, its world 
hope and world task, are summed up in this idea. 

This world hope of the chosen consists in living off all the nations as a sucking parasite. It consists in allowing Jerusalem to take 
shape only as an occasional centre of counsel from which instincts, which are thousands of years old, could be strengthened and 
enlarged through rational planning. Zionism would then be not a state political movement — as some incorrigible European enthusiasts 
imagine — but an essential movement for the strengthening, particularly, of the horizontal parasiticism of the intellectual and material 
commission business. The enthusiasm of the Zionist Holitscher for the Russian racial chaos is therefore just as characteristic as the 
investigation of the Zionist Buber, the pro Asiaticism of the Zionist Hoflich, the united realisation of father Jacob and Rosa 
Luxembourg, as seen today through the Zionist Fritz Kohn. 

The ancient Myth of the chosen people bred a new type of parasiticism with the aid of modern technology and the one world 
civilisation idea of a world grown soulless. 

The power of the Roman church rests on the catholic belief of the representation of god through the pope. All the actions, doctrines 
and principles of the Vatican and its servants reinforce this Myth. The Myth of the representation of god could recognise no race or 
nation as a supreme value. Its doctrines of love and humility produced adherents who had to believe as doctrine the pope's claim that he 
represented god. In return for this subjection, eternal blessedness is promised. In the essence of the Roman Syrian Jewish Alpine Myth, 
there lies the denial of personality as the supreme value of the race but also as a result we have the doctrine of universalism, not race, 
taught to the people. Race, people, and personality were reduced to a means which must serve the representative of god and his world 
power. Rome, therefore, necessarily does not know any organic spatial politics but only one centre: the Diaspora as community of the 
faithful. The pope, conscious of his duty toward the Myth, can therefore develop guidelines to strengthen, alternately, the Diaspora 
through the centre, and the standing of the centre through successes in the Diaspora. 

As a world state of faithful souls, Rome is without state territory, and commands power only through a symbol of right to earthly 
rulership. It is thus freed from all stirrings of will connected with space, blood and soil. Just as the real Jew only sees the pure and 
impure, the Mohammedans only the faithful and unfaithful, so Rome sees only catholics — whom it exclusively equates with 
Christians — and noncatholics, who are called pagans. So, in the service of its Myth, the Vatican has to condemn all religious national 
and class struggles as well as dynastic and economic disputes. It judges disputes purely from the standpoint of whether they bring about 
the destruction of a noncatholic religion, nation and class, and whether they promise an increase in the total number of catholics — 
irrespective of race. Whites, blacks and yellows are all welcomed. 

It has to fill the faithful with the will to do battle. Rome has, at times, defended the idea of absolute royalty when this was held to be 
expedient. When world pressure demanded its abandonment, the church declared its support for democracy, but only after the idea had 
conquered monarchy, and only after popular opinion had already come to support it. They were for throne and altar, and for republic and 
the stock exchange, provided only that these ideas advanced Roman power. They were chauvinistic to the last degree. Rome preached 
pacifism as true Christianity, if pacifism would advance Rome's attempts to control noncatholics. In this connection, it is not at all 
necessary that the tools of the Vatican — Nuncios, Cardinals, Bishops, and the rest — be known liars and swindlers. On the contrary, 
many have been personally blameless men. But the Vatican, when evaluating various personalities for promotion, concealed the fact 
that, for example, a Nuncio came to Paris who could declare without opposition and, in accord with the Institut catholique, that to fight 
against Frenchmen meant to fight against god. The passionate Belgian, Mercier, whipped up his catholic compatriots to resist the 
protestant Prussian Barbarians while making certain that the high positions in Germany were occupied by pacifists. It happened that, for 
example, one Jesuit preached hatred and more hatred in the name of Christianity, whereas the member of the same order in another 
country rejected hatred as un Christian and demanded humility and subjugation. 

Many lies may have been spread in individual cases. These actions related to the Roman Myth as the axis of all events. Roman 
action is quite logical and is removed from sentimental moralising. For Christianity exists just as little as trade or politics exist as 
standards of behaviour. The one like the other is merely a means to bind souls in a specific way to the myth of the representative of god 
on earth. How the current watchwords take their course is a question of expediency. The central myth determines everything else. Its 
complete victory would mean that a priest caste would rule over a millionfold host of men which, faceless, willless — as a 
communistically sectioned community — would regard existence as a gift of god, provided through the all powerful medicine man in 
Rome. In the same way, the Jesuits in Paraguay once attempted to rearrange matters there. 

Even today, millions, devoid of will and personality, serve this faceless system, without knowing and grasping why. They are bound 
nationally, spatially and politically to regard any furtherance of their own interests by Rome as genuine good will on the part of the 
Vatican. Rome expects to receive such expressions of gratitude despite its self appointed position as guardian of the oppressed, the poor 
and the downtrodden. 

The fact that this Roman policy is often frustrated by other forces, that it often must give way to them outwardly when another 
supreme value grows greater in souls than the love of Rome, alters nothing in the essence and will of the Vatican, as long as the myth of 
the representatives of god, and hence of the claim to power over all souls, exists. Only this central recognition makes comprehensible the 
policy of the Jesuits, cardinals and prelates over the centuries. The priest type has served well the medicine man Myth in church, art, 
politics, science and education. 

The misfortune which has come over the world today has broken many otherwise upright men. Forced outwardly and inwardly to 
the ground, millions seek support in types which have become rigid. Rome has used this strife of souls to its advantage. Thus the pre 
Aryan stratum, which, owing to Germanic strength, had once slipped out of Roman discipline, is inclined again to the old beliefs. It 
agreeably joins in preaching the justification of domination by the magician of Rome over our people. 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 03 



The same pope who Europe has to thank for the most dishonouring deed of all times, Pius IX, once uttered the words which without 
doubt are to be regarded as an open exposition of the Roman Myth. On January 18th, 1874 — thus on the anniversary of the founding of 
the German Reich — he declared at an assembly of international pilgrims that Bismarck was the serpent in the paradise of mankind. This 
serpent seduced Germans into wishing to be more than god himself. Such an overextension of the human self would be followed by a 
humiliation such as no people had ever before tasted! Only the Eternal one knew whether or not the grain of sand on the mountains of 
eternal retribution had already been released. This retribution was growing to avalanche proportions and it would rush in a few years at 
the clay feet of this Reich and transform it into ruins. This Reich, which, like the tower of Babel, had been erected in defiance of god, 
would pass away to the glory of god. 

At this eternal retribution for the purpose of the glorification of god the diplomats dedicated to the Roman Myth worked zealously. 
They worked as they worked against Karl the Great, Otto I and Ferdinand II. Thus the Centre party in Germany remained completely 
faithful to itself when it passed over from protection of the throne and the altar to an alliance with the antireligious Marxists, in the 
manner Bismarck had already predicted in 1887, when he declared in the Reichstag that the Jesuits would one day be the leaders of 
social democracy. In the service of eternal retribution the centre demanded a brotherhood in arms with the Marxists against protestant 
Kaiserism. In the days of destiny, 1914, the Vatican spurred on catholic Austrian Hungry in order to profit from a world war, and 
likewise, in order to overthrow the Russian heretics as well as the state of the Serpent in Paradise (Germany), backed the war effort. In 
so doing millions of true believing catholics had to be sacrificed. As in every great battle plan, this could not be avoided. The Vatican 
chose to pursue its political ends instead of helping the faithful. 

From these and a thousand other examples, one sees both a symbolic and a real cause. The cause was the outlook of Pius IX, which 
came from the Roman Myth. The new German Reich must be smashed. This was a view which was likewise clearly shared by Benedict 
XV when he said that he regretted being only a Frenchman in heart. It is again seen in the writings of the little pastor, Dr. Moenius, who 
in disputing the existence of Belgian Franc tireurs, joyfully declared that the catholic section of the people in Germany prevented the 
formation of a Belgian national state. 

Thus it was a matter in furthering the collapse of the German Reich, not only of the Jewish money politics and world linked 
parasitical instinct, but also of an old Roman mythic, a Syrian hither Asiatic striving which is inescapably and firmly established. A 
staggering admission of this was made at the end of 1924 by the catholic centre organ, Germania, which read, 

Whoever wished to seek the fundamental lines in the conduct of the Centre party since 1917 (!) must know that this conduct was 
determined by the actions of prominent catholics who, in their political intentions and actions, had not fallen away from the fundamental 
catholic attitude. 

What can be established with complete certainty is that they undermined the truly German consciousness of power. The centre 
leaders served the faceless Roman Myth against the Evangelical heresy, against the Germanic heresy. Further, Catholicism in Prussia had 
existed in a completely different environment from, for instance, that of Catholicism in Bavaria. Its work since 1917 could certainly be 
understood in its depths as an overcoming of the Brandenburg Prussian history psychosis and as an attempt at a return to the thresholds 
of Medieval Germany. 

Every German should understand these facts so that he comprehends what has happened during the last 1,500 years and what is still 
occurring before his eyes in the contemporary world. In 1917, the open work of disintegration began through the Reichstag when the 
centre, Democrats and Marxists asserted their resolutions of dissatisfaction. In 1917, Erzberger committed his indiscretion through 
which Czernin's letter became known to the Entente. The faithless Emperor Karl, breaking his word, carried on treachery with Poincare. 
This is described as catholic policy. If Germania asserts another milieu for Prussia which also creates a different conduct of catholic 
politicians, then, with the first remark, the Nordic environment with conscious national honour is meant. The German Reich of Frederick 
the Great and Bismarck had to be overcome and, with aid of the allied Jewish money parties, the protestant north was to be 
disintegrated. In Bavaria, another milieu, a more conservative folkish preserving policy consequently had to be pursued since it was 
necessary here to protect their own denomination. The policy of unity of the centre and the federalist policy of its scions in Bavaria 
served both one and the same goal until the victory of Adolf Hitler: That is, the strengthening of Syrian Roman centralism. 

The classical philosopher of this pseudofederalism even went so far as to call himself Greater German instead of Greater Roman. 
The philosopher of this movement and this idea was Constantin Frantz. In his essay Die Religion des Nationalliberalismus, Frantz said 
that the centre of European unity should be Germany. It was to lead in political, ecclesiastical and educational areas. Its great aim would 
be to create universalism by reshaping our educational system. This stands in distinction to our nationalistic system of education which 
was designed to isolate our contact with universalist systems. The Germanic system was designed to understand power. One could not 
make Germany into a land like France or Italy. The core and the model of a gradually developing European federation should and must 
be Germany. That is our destiny. The question now arises. Who should determine this destiny? Germany or a foreign master? 

Frantz is of the opinion that federalism does not exclude. Rather, it incorporates. It wishes nothing special for itself, but always 
desires all things for all people. It has nothing of the restricted self satisfaction of nationalism. It is concerned with the whole and with 
the great. It strives for unity, but only through a free union of the parts established on the basis of intellectual community building. Thus, 
instead of centralisation, there is far more concentration on a cooperative, independent life cycle in which each component continues to 
exist in its own right. As a result this system serves the best interests of all. 

We have arrived at the fundamental point: The German people is to place itself federally into a totality. And this totality, for which 
Germany is to be the means for a concentration of governance, signifies the world policy of the Vatican. In other words, Rome will 
attempt to sponsor a federalist system which it can use to control all of Europe. We must repeat the point we wish to make. Rome's 
world policy is served by establishing this European concentration of political power. In other words, the attempt must be made to carry 
through once again the bloody, unsuccessful experiment of the faceless world church state. We are to represent the experimental vehicle 
for this. Its success would throw away everything which was acquired by the blood of our best men in our national culture. Rome would 
write its interdenominational message on our banner — again in the name of god and of love — and, as a result, assume as a gift the power 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 04 



which we ourselves would have given up. 

An article in the Germania (in the year 1924) openly spoke of a return to the middle ages. Whoever has understood the Bavarian 
Concordat recently concluded at that time knows that it signified the first step to extend the successes of the Great catholic Erzberger — 
so it was said in his funeral address — and to make Bavaria into a springboard for the reconquest of Germany, that is, as a breeding 
ground for interreligious conflicts. 

Back to the middle ages by revolution! A remarkable solution! Pope Pius XI — loyal to the policy of Pius IX — said on May 23, 
1923, in the Consistorium, that German Catholicism 

both amidst the fury of the world war as well as under the present developing conditions has applied its zeal, its energetic activity 
and its organisational skill to restoring and making good the sad falling away from the Roman church which took place years ago. 

That is clear enough. The Bayer Kourier, the organ of the Bavarian centre, however, openly threatened us all in a manner that makes 
one wonder how those words could have flown away unheard. It wrote on July 5, 1923: 

An imminent justice is at work in world history which knows how to punish and to avenge. It has reached the German people, 
because it will not bend itself to the god ordained authority. This refusal has, for four centuries, brought every conceivable disaster on 
the German lands. 

It again threatens the German nation with disaster if, at the last hour, it does not learn from history. Thus either the German people 
will be subjected to the decrees of a foreign power, or an avenging justice will wipe it off the face of the earth. 

The Augsburg Postzeitung, a leading south German catholic paper, wrote in faithful service of the Roman Myth on March 16, 1924, 
in a polemic against Ludendorff, that the catholic church: 

is the sole religious device, nearly the single apparatus upon earth, which has never subordinated itself to the state Therefore its 

bonds are more holy than those of any nation. Its orders are higher than those of the state. For those who think in the folkish sense, state 
or people is the absolute, the highest value and purpose. 

Thus here and with pleasing openness, the unbridgeable gulf which lies between German men and the claims to power of an alien 
Myth is characterised along with its institution. Its centre is found outside Germany. We expressly recognised that state and people 
possess only a subordinate importance for this centre. Simultaneously, with all distinction, the superior justification of church interests 
over those of state and people are demanded, that is, the right to commit high treason and betrayal in the name of a higher ideal as 
compared with one of lower value. The Nordic type is to subject itself to the Roman scheme. The Nordic Myth is to be subject to Roman 
magic. However, despite this clear assertion, many good German men still do not wish to discuss the powerful interests of the church. 
However, this problem touches day by day on the life interests of every German. He must decide whether or not he will reject these 
absurd claims of power by the Roman church. The black catholic press claims to speak for the Roman church. No one is spared when 
the black press expressly lays claim to the privilege of insight into church power politics. 

The policy of Pius XI consequently stands unequivocally under the sign of a new counterreformation whipping up all the instincts of 
the Inquisition — in order to break Germanic Germany forever. Directly, in his enthronement speech, he made the troubled spirit of the 
Reformation responsible for all rebellions of the last four centuries. Luther destroyed Christian morals — the debauchery of the then 
Roman church was thus Christian morality — and placed himself between soul and god. Such a disturbance in its position of acting as 
spiritual mediator for all men was something the Roman church naturally could not bear. In December, 1929, Pope Pius rejoiced at the 
decay of protestantism in order to give, a few months later, expression to his official catholic unwillingness to accept the results of the 
progress of this protestantism. He also boldly characterised protestantism as an insult to the divine stipendiary of the catholic church. In 
his Christmas message of 1930, the pope called protestantism deceitful, secretive and bold and unashamed. On the 16th of March, 1931, 
he ascended to the apex of hatred when he dared to describe all noncatholic and protestant confessions as outdated heresy. Since the 
world is dealing here not with some little inciting chaplain but with the supreme head of all catholics, who is accustomed to choosing his 
words carefully, then all these outbursts signify nothing other than a deliberate and vicious incitement of over a hundred million people 
with the purpose of furthering and extending his positions of power. He believed he would gain by encircling protestantism. The true 
essence of the Kingdom of Christ is revealed. The so called catholic Action, of the folkish disintegrating pacifist policy of the Centre 
party, was spread by the Roman Episcopate against German Nationalism by the Roman Episcopate in Germany operating through the 
declarations of bishops against nationalism in general. No German catholic today can shut himself off from the fearful recognition that 
Roman policy with its clear sighted aim has formed an alliance with the Marxist subhumans and with other external enemies of 
Germany in order to complete what was not totally successful in November, 1918. The Roman policy sacrifices — for attainment of this 
goal — the existence and life of the entire present day generation. This is done in order to force compliance on the impoverished heirs of 
all Germans under its apostleship. This is the western Mission which catholic voices in the centre persist in canonising. They look for 
the restoration of Latinity with the aid of the coercive threats from France and its allies who are, unfortunately, still hostile to us. 

Exactly in this way, the centre press speaks as the leading Christian Social party in Austria. At the beginning of 1921 the principle 
of the pure national state was described in the periodical Das neue Reich as directly un Christian. One will have to choose! Thus, the 
speakers at the German catholic congresses at Constance in 1923 came to the erudite conclusion that the greatest heresy of today was the 
excessive nationalism which had already caused the worst devastation and havoc. So spoke the heads of Catholicism — a conclusion 
which German bishops regurgitate every month. 

These admissions — which could be multiplied a thousandfold — are clear and unequivocal. They are shelved, from time to time, 
since the centre leaders, when it suits their purpose, literally ooze with love of the Fatherland. Occasionally they even are so bold as to 
declare that the supporting of church power politics was truly German. From this intellectual orientation the blind support of German 
history results. They ordinarily reject any attempt to create a real German Reich. They never concede the need to create a truly German 
type for the future under any circumstances. 

The so called Holy Roman German empire nation, that structure of an inorganic type, for which hundreds of thousands of Germans 
shed their blood in vain, is today invested with legendary glory. The middle ages is represented as a time of peace which resulted from 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 05 



the fact that the church determined the destiny of the world. We also need to revere the great figures of the German past and be proud of 
the personalities which then ruled Europe. Certainly, we are not proud of them as the representatives of church claims to power. But as 
the representatives of German blood and the German will to power, we do them homage. Heinrich I, who in 925 united the disputing 
German tribes, rejected anointing by the pope and made the Rhine into Germany's river. He is regarded by us as the herald of a German 
Reich. Likewise, Heinrich der Lowe appears as one of the truly great men of our history. Heinrich attempted, with all the strength of a 
powerful personality, to check the excursions of conquest into Italy. He began the settlement of the east and, as a result, laid a 
foundation stone for a coming German Reich fostering strong security for the maintenance and protection the German people. This 
admiration does not prevent us from rejecting the earlier system of the faceless Holy Roman Empire which had to collapse and did so 
when the other peoples of Europe founded their national states. To wish to live through this destructive Myth again today signifies a 
crime against the German people. We all struggle to secure a time when these ideas will be regarded as great treachery to the country, as 
the attempt at the creation of a Bolshevist world republic. 

These pronouncements by men bound to the Roman Myth are no accident. They are only a few symptoms among thousands that 
show the insidiousness of the Roman idea of rule by the church; of love, subjection, slavish obedience and denial of national honour — 
all in the name of the Representative of Christ. Alongside demonic Jewry, it is the second alien system which must be overcome 
spiritually and intellectually if an honour conscious German people and a real national culture are to arise. 

The essence of the present day world revolution lies in an awakening of racial types — not in Europe alone but over the entire earth. 
This awakening is the organic countermovement against the last chaotic forerunners of the liberal economic trading imperialism whose 
looted victims fell from despair into the Bolshevist net in order to complete what Democracy had begun: the elimination of race and 
folkish consciousness. The situation of the Roman Reich at the appearance of Christianity was similar to the present day situation in the 
west. The belief in the old gods had vanished. The Nordic ruling stratum had almost died of disintegration and the will of the state was 
broken. No ideal, type forming, ruled the world. In its place came a thousand enthusiastic teachers from all zones. In the midst of such 
chaos a religion of love could never have triumphed by itself. In fact, it would have led to the wholesale sacrifice of individuals, to 
uprisings and revolutions. Such were the aims of saint Paul, who strove for these as his final goal when he gave his hypnotising sermons 
which were mainly attended by voluptuous women. It triumphed as form, thanks only to the Jewish will and the fanaticism peculiar to it. 
Paul transferred this lust to rule, this lust for world domination to the overthrowing of the state. Today, the old gods are likewise dead. 
The Oriental belief in the Emperor by god's grace has irrevocably vanished. The deification of the state in itself has likewise vanished 
because it had grown without content into a bloodless schema. Democracy triumphed when the state found itself in a condition of 
parliamentary decomposition. The rigid churches no longer gave satisfaction to the searchers. An army of sectarians sought inner 
support with street apostles and tent preachers who seriously studied the ancient Jewish bible in order to prophesy an eternal life here on 
earth. The faceless idea of internationalism has thus reached a high point: Bolshevism and world trusts are its symbols. They point to the 
decline of an era such as, in its hypocrisy and dishonour, the history of Europe has never before seen. 

Chaos has today been elevated almost to a conscious program point. As the final consequences of a democratically disintegrated era, 
the unnatural messengers of anarchy announce their presence in all the great cities of the world. The explosive material is present in 
Berlin just as in New York, Paris, Shanghai and London. As a natural defence against this world danger, a new experience passes like a 
mysterious fluid over the globe. This idea places concepts such as folk and race instinctively and consciously into the centre of its 
thinking. It is linked with the organically established supreme values of every nation, around which its feeling evolves, determining the 
character and the colour of the culture from old. What was partly forgotten, partly neglected, is suddenly grasped as its task by millions: 
to experience a Myth and to create a type. From out of this type we must build our state and life. But now the question is posed as to 
who is summoned in the midst of an entire people to draw up and found the architectonics, type forming. With this, a problem is touched 
upon within the race and the folk: the question of the sexes. 

Chapter II. The State and the Sexes 

We have seen that behind all religious, moral and artistic values a racially conditioned people stand and that, through unhindered 
race mixing, all true values are ultimately destroyed, while the individualities of the peoples vanish in a racial chaos, to vegetate away as 
an uncreative mass or become subservient, intellectually and materially subordinated, to a powerful new race will. However within these 
world spanning contrasts of races and souls of life there is another polarisation of peoples: the male and the female. If the deepest 
outward racial and spiritual features, the orientations and structures of values of man and woman in a type conditioned people are also 
identical, then nature has created a sexual polarity alongside the other polarities of physical and ideological kinds, in order to produce 
organic tension and creation as the preconditions of all creation. This fundamental insight has a twofold result, namely, that certain 
peculiarities of male and female — although on different planes and within a different typecast — are nevertheless similar according to the 
simple eternal laws of the physical structural planes of this world, and also that attempts at elimination of the sexually conditioned 
tensions must necessarily have a diminishing of creative powers as a consequence. This means that sexual collectivism, such as in the 
case of situations of miscegenation, will end in the debasement of the people. It also means that race mixing debases the offspring as 
well. 

The opinion must be expressed that the recognition of the fact of sexual polarity as alone maintaining creation, producing and 
releasing tensions, must be an eternally unshakeable conviction because it has been substantiated a thousandfold. In fact, all truly 
profound thinkers have been of this opinion. These philosophers have a self evident maturity derived from their conclusions drawn from 
life. They believe in effect that man is superior to woman in all realms of research, invention, fabrication and creation. The value of 
woman rests upon the equally important mission of blood preservation and racial propagation. 

In times of external catastrophes and inner disintegration, however, feminist man joins with emancipated woman to become the 
symbol of cultural decline and decay of the state. The speeches by Medea in Euripides' s plays are similar to the tirades of Fraulein 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 06 



Stocker or Miss Pankhurst, without — in spite of the woman's freedom during the Renaissance, the era of the Sun King, Jacobinism and 
present day democracy — anything new being revealed other than what Aristoteles expressed in a few words: 

Woman is woman by virtue of a certain lack of capability. 

The ancient poets recognised this fact when they symbolised destiny as having been embedded in a cosmic law of female beings; the 
Teutons by the Norns and the Greeks by the Moirai. This lack of capability is the consequence of a nature directed at the vegetative and 
the subjective. The woman of all times and races lacks the strength of both intuitive and intellectual vision. Everywhere that a mythic 
shaping of the world, a great epic or drama, or a scientific hypothesis explaining the cosmos has appeared in world history, a man stands 
behind them as creator. To the ancient Aryan Indian it is the Prajapati, that is, the Master of Creatures, who formed this world, or the 
Purusha, the man and spirit who created. The Teutons formed heaven and earth from the giant Ymir; and it was the male spirit 
everywhere which gave birth to a world order against chaos. 

Thus everywhere that something typical, and type forming, arises, the man is operative as the creative cause. Two of the greatest 
male acts of all time are called state and Marriage. 

Present day Feminism — without the author wishing it — has found in Bachofen a glorification of its nature, and many unhealthy 
thinkers have taken his extravagant fantasies — irrespective of their interesting details — concerning matriarchy as true historical facts. 
However much he and all those related to him are right to claim hetairism as a form of government by women, it is nevertheless unjust 
to assume that state forms of this form ever existed. Bachofen did not shy away from assuming the existence of matriarchy in some 
places simply because women occupied high positions. He then expressed himself poetically about this. For example, he even presumes 
and asserts this for Sparta on grounds of the freedom enjoyed by women within this rough Dorian tribe. In fact, Sparta offered the 
example of a well disciplined state, and was devoid of any female influence. The kings and the ephors formed the absolute power, the 
essence of which was the maintenance and expansion of this power through the increase of the Dorian upper stratum with its disciplined 
outlook. For that sole purpose, women were also required to participate in gymnastic games. Generally, the wearing of golden jewellery 
was forbidden to them as were decorative hair styles. If woman enjoyed respect among the Teutons, then it was not because there were 
matriarchal conditions. On the contrary, it was because patriarchy was completely realised. That system alone provided consistency and, 
as a result of the racial typification of Nordic man, it was linked with the greatest respect for women. Accompanied by that magnanimity 
was a part of the eternally searching free nature which, in times of crises, can also become a great danger for the whole, as exemplified 
in the emancipation of the Jews. When that was approved, the idea of the political emancipation of women was recognised in the state 
legal domain. 

The traditional view is that the family forms the cell of the state. This view has grown into a coercive dogma which, in the face of 
Marxist and Democratic attempts to disintegrate all ideas of the family, has constantly been reinforced. This argument not only clouds 
the stage for the study of the questions of women's rights, but it inhibits judgement as a whole as it concerns the nature of the present 
movement for renewal and of the new state concept of our future. 

The state has nowhere been the consequence of a common idea, but the result of an alliance of oriented men conscious of their goal 
and purpose. The family, having on occasions proved itself as the stronger, and on other occasions the weaker, supporter of state and 
folkish architectonics, has often even been placed in its service, conscious of its goal. But nowhere was it the most important pillar of a 
state, or, in other words, of a community based on political and social power. 

The first purposeful association that arose anywhere in the world was the warrior clan, or tribe, or horde. It was formed for the 
purpose of creating a common security against a hostile alien environment. In the subjugation of one tribe by another, the defeated 
league of warriors was incorporated into the victorious one. Thus the first cell of the purposeful state association arose, existing 
unconsciously in the idea of a state. 

Everything which we describe allegorically about Rome, Sparta, Athens and Potsdam begins with the alliance of warrior men. The 
bases of the state systems of China, Japan, India, Persia and Egypt also rest upon this primal ground which, under calmer external 
conditions, received a different kind of character. In its core, however, it always remained an allied league of men, even until the decline 
of one or the other culture. But decline signified the dissolution of the idea of a male system of training, of a male, type forming, norm. 

Egypt passed relatively quickly from the league of men warriors into a technical association which for a long time bore the stamp of 
the learned scribe and the official. It was then pushed aside incrementally by the league of priests. Egypt has therefore aptly been called 
a state of officials or scribes. In each case a completely determined technical norm was recognised as the measuring rod of all action. It 
has had a type breeding effect over thousands of years. The first great cultural achievement of the Nile kingdom was making the land 
arable and utilising the changes in the soil which resulted from floods. Egypt did not use tribal names. It recognised neither leagues of 
the sexes nor blood revenge. The family played almost no role at all in the imposing structure of the Egyptian state. This Egyptian 
concept of the state, as controlled by learned officialdom, has persisted tenaciously over thousands of years. However, this type was 
trained by the purposeful league of Egyptian technicians, the learned ones, the scribes, who had to give advice concerning regulations of 
river, land irrigation, atmospheric effects, royal building plans, and so on, in order, through the league of priests, to give religious 
dedication to the entire activity. 

See, there is no social rank which could not be ruled, only the scribe who rules himself 

are the emphatic words in the Doctrine of Duaf . Thus the learned technician and the correct, but not incorruptible, clerk bred a state 
community. 

We see something similar take place in China. Here, likewise, the league of warriors was transformed into a society of learned men. 
After Lao Tse and Confucius had established themselves as classics of the Chinese soul, their teachings on morals and life, in which 
Confucius completely predominated, became a measure and guiding line for the state life, religion and scientific activity of the Chinese 
people. For maintenance of the norm, the league of warriors transformed itself into a loosely linked society which found its dominant 
type in the learned Mandarin. This type ruled the life of China for centuries. There was no high official who had not passed his 
philosophical examination in the classical teachings of Confucius. This system of training held the Chinese Empire together during times 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 07 



when the purely political union was weakened through wars and revolutions, that is, the league of men, held together by an openly 
racially conditioned system, lasted through to the present. With China, the entire ancestral cult, naturally, must be considered. That cult 
cultivated an instinct of solidarity, of belonging together, at least in family belief. Its earthbound nature provided the most permanent 
way of cementing together ancient China and it still does so even today. The family, seen from the aspect of the wife's influence, 
contributed little to nothing to Chinese society and to the nature of the state. 

These two somewhat remotely connected examples are also to be found in the kingdoms undoubtedly founded by Aryans. The life 
style of ancient India was first conditioned by the warrior caste, called the Shatryas. In the ancient songs of the Veda, a courageous 
warlike spirit is breathed forth. It lasted until the time of post Christian decline. Indeed, even up to the present the Rajputs, the warrior 
families, were racially an alien, Aryan conditioned, body living in disintegrated India. However, gradually the direction of the people 
passed over to the Brahmans who finally brought all Indians under their intellectual rule. Secrets and magical rites were the elements, 
style forming, which were so powerfully implanted that, even today, Brahmanism represents the binding force to which hundreds of 
millions subordinate themselves. In this respect, it is characteristic that the Brahmans — in contrast, for example, to the Roman popes — 
have never striven for political power, and yet their authority was so great as to introduce the practice of the burning of widows. This 
was permitted by the forgery of an ancient text of the Veda. It is a measure which can only be traced back to an authoritarian male 
society. Nowhere has the power of a compelling, shaping, architectonic idea appeared stronger than in the type of the weaponless, yet 
ruling, Brahman. The strength, style forming, of its philosophy remained praiseworthy despite the fact that there was an unrestricted, 
widespread, race denying, doctrine of universal oneness that allowed mixing with the aborigines. Thus miscegenation was promoted, 
and dark mixed racial types attained high posts. 

Another, clearly evident example which proves that men were germ cells of the state and backbone of a life type is offered us by 
Hellas in its political systems known by the names Sparta and Athens. One merely repeats elemental wisdom if he pauses to describe the 
power of the league of warriors over Spartan life. In Athens, it was not fundamentally different. Later, when, within men of more 
insight, the recognition of disintegration occurred during democratisation, one could always fall back on and rely on the male leagues. 
The members of these associations did not describe themselves as members of a family and clan, but described; themselves as brothers. 
In Greek life they represented a completely conscious retreat from the bonds of relationships based upon feelings. In Athens the league 
of youth, the Ephebia, took first place. It is no accident if Aristoteles begins the representation of the Constitution of Athens by 
mentioning this state youth league. This control by the state signified the attempt, carried out shortly before him by the disintegrating 
individualistic democracy, to reestablish the original and ancient Greek league of men warriors. In our understanding it signifies nothing 
other than the introduction of a universal military service for all young, free Athenians. In their 18th year they were put into barracks and 
identically uniformed. Gymnastic masters and educators strictly watched over the maintenance of discipline, guaranteeing strength and 
uniformity. This act of despair by the Greek democracy, knowing that the aristocratic Athenian had once arisen from among them, came 
too late. The strength of Athens decomposed through the subversion by demagogues, sophists, democrats, and women emancipated from 
femininity, and by race mixing. These things had to bow to a powerful new league of men, the warriors of Alexander the Great. If one 
looks even deeper, then he will also have to take into consideration the Athenian artist's guilds, the philosophers' schools, and, as a male 
league, one also must not overlook the great role played by the oracle goddesses in Greek life. The latter particularly represent the side, 
unable to form type, of pre Greek life with its emphasis upon superstition. These and the Dionysos cult are also unquestionably closely 
connected racially with the subordinated native stratum. The same is true of the later Bakchic cult which grew into a symbol of the late 
Greek era. Bacchic festivals, hetairai economy and democratic slave emancipation were the disintegrating powers which mitigated 
against the Greek folkhood, the Athenian state and the Hellenic culture in general. 

We can observe a very interesting relationship among state, people, league of men, and family in Rome. The individual in Rome 
almost ceased to be a personality. His entire service and his whole life belonged to the community. The consciousness of the power and 
greatness of this community, however, represented in its after effect the pride, indeed, the personal property, of the citizen. If, from the 
aspect of the state, he was only a number, then individualism was legally unrestricted. Here the family also took its place. It has 
unquestionably been an enormously important stone in the building of the Roman state. But, as is known, this family was nothing other 
than a tool of the paterfamilias which disposed permanently over life and limb of all its members. Thus here also, merciless male 
discipline ruled. The grownup son could only withdraw from the tyranny of the head of the family by entry into the league of men, the 
Curia, the army. These forces mutually balanced each other, watched over the discipline of state citizens, and created that rigid Roman 
type which conquered the world. Its laws still determine the norm of western life even today. It must be said here at once that the crassly 
individualistic, private capitalistic Roman law created Roman strength but — released from its environment of intrinsic type — had a 
disintegrating effect on the Germanic essence. It must again be eliminated if we wish to recover our health. 

The principles of collapsing Rome were taken over by a new league of men aiming at world rulership: the catholic church. 
Christianity entered into world history, carried by a great personality. At first it was only an emotional movement. Later, it infiltrated the 
state as a faceless mass movement, but when it had conquered the state the priests began, exactly as in Egypt and India, to control the 
architecture of thought, to represent themselves as the sole justified mediators between man and god, and to improve history according 
to its needs. This previously described system has proven to be an enormous disciplining power. It was shaped completely by an 
extremist league of men whose representatives practised celibacy. Women were, and still are, regarded up to today, only as serving 
elements. Through the introduction of the Isis Mary cult, account was also taken of the female maternal feeling. Through this concession 
to the emotional side — beginning with tolerant dedication and ending in religious hysteria, paired with complete exclusion of the female 
element from the structure of the church — the Roman church system of the league of men has based its capacity for resistance. In this 
respect, however, it must not be forgotten that the types of the Brahman and the Mandarin are even far older and stronger than the type 
of the Roman priest. 

It is evident that the leaders of the male leagues have everywhere striven to prove that their rulership was willed by god. The 
Egyptian Pharaoh did this just as did the Brahman, who boldly declared of whoever knew the secrets of the Veda and mastered the 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 08 



sacrificial ceremony that the gods are in his hand. 

The idea of divine grace was then taken over in the west by a male league completely different from the Roman priesthood: by the 
Germanic Knights Order which reached its peak under the Kaisers. The middle ages signifies the tortured attempt to equilibrate monks 
and knights — these two great types of the league of men — to one another, whereby each one made efforts to be serviceable to the other. 
In its essence, the Roman system was not Nordic, and the Knights Order of the middle ages was only one side of the struggle for release 
from it. The Germanic orders and guilds, the city leagues, the Hansa, and so on, appear as forces which made themselves free of the 
Roman ideas. Protestantism, as an anti Roman orientation of feeling, therefore corresponded to a disposition spread over the whole of 
Europe. It was, as even Gorres admitted, the ethical conscience of Germanic man. However, the Reformation carried no strength, type 
forming, within it. Rather, it merely prepared the ground for the national ideas which have only begun to unfold their mythic strength in 
our times. The Roman system of training could only be pushed aside by another type breeding power. This was developed, at first, in the 
type of the Prussian officer, who, as was proved in 1914, became the type of the German soldier. The Prussian, then the German, army 
was one of the most splendid examples of the architectonic league of men corresponding to that of the Nordic, for it was built on honour 
and duty. Therefore, by necessity, it bore a hatred of others. 

These observations can be extended at length by choice. The German order of Knights of the Sword, the Templars, the Freemasons' 
League, the Jesuit order, the association of Rabbis, the English Club, the German student corporations, the German Freikorps after 1918, 
the S.A. — Storm Troopers — of the National Socialist German Workers' Party — these are all eloquent examples of the insurmountable 
fact that a state, folkish, social or church type, however different their forms may be, go back almost exclusively to a league of men and 
its training. The woman and the family are added on or excluded. The woman's capacity for sacrifice forces her into the service of a 
type. Only the power of another idea releases her from the system of training. Such an idea may use her as an element of 
disintegration — as in Hellenic democracy, as in late faceless Rome, as in the present day movement of Emancipation — or, in order to 
make their power of passionate dedication serviceable to a new, type forming, ideal after a revolutionary transition. 

The demand for equal political rights for women was the natural consequence of the ideas of the French revolution. These rights 
were promoted by liberal, so called human rights, philosophies. The emancipation of the Jews followed from the preaching of the insane 
idea of human equality. So also was the case with the liberation of woman from male slavery. The demand for present day female 
emancipation was raised in the name of boundless individualism, not in the name of a new synthesis. In the sense of living to the full the 
movement was then interpreted accordingly by its adherents. As a reinforcement of this demand came the shaping of the social situation 
through world trade and overindustrialisation. Women were forced to assist their men in the factories in order to maintain the life of the 
family. The entry of women into the work force lowered the man's wages. As a result, the period of bachelorhood was unnaturally 
lengthened. This increased the number of unmarried marriageable women. In turn, this led to the increase of prostitution. 

Here, one of its most important tasks awaited the state. However, the state was not equal to the task. It could not cope with 
industrialisation and proletarianisation. Possibly, the democratic state never could be equal to this task. The workers' movements were 
completely justified. They saw in woman a fellow sufferer and made her cause likewise a program point of their efforts. 

In 1905, the League for the right of women to vote, founded in 1902, announced the following demands: 

admission of women to all responsible community and state posts 

admission of women to the practice of law 

communal and political voting rights, and so on 

This was the program, a deliberate reaching out for control of the state. 

If we recall the facts represented at the outset, that in the entire course of world history, every lasting combination of state and social 
architectonics has been the consequence of the male will and masculine creative power, then it is clear that to concede a fundamental 
permanent influence of women in the state must be to represent the beginning of evident decay. In this connection it is not a question of 
good will or positive cooperation, nor of one or another competent — even great — female personality, but of the essence of woman, 
which, in the last analysis, approaches all questions lyrically or intellectually, never viewing things as a whole. Our feministically 
democratic humanity, which is so sympathetic to the individual criminal, but forgets the state, the people — in brief — the type, is thus 
really the breeding ground for all efforts which deny norms or only participate in them emotionally. 

It is characteristic of the nature of the protagonists of a women's state that their attack — in harmony with the entire Marxist and 
Democratic Jewish press — is directed instinctively against Prussian Militarism, that is, against the disciplining and type creating 
foundation of our state. This will be true as long as there are cultures, peoples and states. Thus, for example, England is generally 
praised because it does not experience Continental Militarism (Schirmacher). But up to 1832 the English granted women political, and 
up to 1835, communal, voting rights in full equality with men. But then, out of very pertinent reasons of experience, it abolished these 
again. These rights were reintroduced in 1929 under the renewed pressures of democracy. The emancipated are not accustomed to 
speaking well of Germany and its violations. None of our modern cultural nations is in a position to thank a victorious war fought 
scarcely a generation ago for its political existence. But every war, every emphasis on the furtherance of militarism, represents a 
diminishing of the cultural powers and influence of women. The emancipated have no eyes for understanding the fact that every culture 
for 8,000 years has arisen only under the protection of the sword. All have perished without salvation when the unconditional will to self 
assertion was no longer present. Just as the man infected with Marxism sees only his class and his fellow believers, so the emancipated 
see only the woman — not woman and man, sword and spirit, people and state, power and culture. And just as the Mythless and 
characterless 19th century stood helplessly in the face of Parliamentarianism, Marxism, and all the other disintegrating forces, so today 
we experience the fragmentising femininism of democratic politicians who see themselves thereby as especially liberal. 

This liberality or rather, the weakness, of the male, type forming, power, has encouraged the women's movement to express what 
the entire thing is directed at: the conquest of power. The exercise of power is sweet. The woman chases after it as much as the man. 
That female energies seek an outlet when men are tired is a phenomenon of natural necessity. 

An entire literature came into being to provide a basis for this general claim to power. It attempted to prove the absolute equal rank 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 09 



of women. The fact that women gave birth was put forward with refreshing logic as the cause of this fundamental equality. 

If one alludes to history as the chief witness for the absence of strength, type forming, in women, then they complain about the 
violent repression which has hindered them, without noticing that this concession alone is decisive. The greatest male geniuses have 
often been children of poverty and oppression, but nevertheless they have grown to become rulers and shapers of men. There is more 
falsehood than truth in the assertion that, historically, women have been oppressed. Even in the gloomy middle ages, noble women 
enjoyed a better education than the knights who rode out to battle and adventure. They also had leisure enough to study anatomy and 
astronomy at the household hearth. But never from the midst of these women has there emerged a Walther von der Vogelweide or a 
Wolfram. There was no Roger Bacon who was hunted through all of Europe by the church. No woman became one of the founders of 
our science. Woman could not create because she lacked the conceptualisation which is native only to man. There is no magic or power 
that permits creativity. It is simply a gift given only to man, never women. 

Greece gave intellectual freedom to the hetairai, if not to the wife. Nevertheless, apart from the lyrically sexual Sappho, nothing 
noteworthy happened. This freedom of women was far more a clear sign of Hellenic decline. The Renaissance also gave women equal 
opportunities with men. Women such as Vittoria Colonna, Lucrezia Borgia, are known only to us, not because of their own deeds, but 
because of the way they were immortalised by men such as Michael Angelo. Woman has simply failed to produce or create lasting 
values of genius. 

The intrusion of the woman's movement into the collapsing world of the 19th century has taken place on a broad front. This female 
liberation program has, by natural necessity, entered into a mutually reinforcing alliance with all other forces of disintegration — with 
world trade, democracy, Marxism and Parliamentarianism. The enormous industry of woman in all domains has been given only a 
modest display when deeds and victories were counted. There are only a few significant women: Sonya Kowalewsky; Madame Curie, 
whose genius suddenly vanished when her husband was run over in a street accident; and a legendary inventress of the sewing machine. 
Otherwise, although there has been a succession of competent women physicians, art and crafts women, female secretaries, scholars and 
natural scientists, none has produced synthesis. 

The science of emancipation declares that the so called female qualities have been merely called forth due to the thousand year old 
rule by men. When woman ruled, as had occurred at times, female qualities were formed in the man. Therefore only sex could be 
evaluated. 

This logic is just as typical as it is widespread. Essentially, it springs from the dusty milieu theory, according to which man is 
nothing other than a product of his environment. This Darwinian white elephant must even today bear the burden of providing the 
ideological support and scientific backbone of the champions of women's rights. Two incompatible sequences of thought run alongside 
one another. On the one side, it belongs to the art of propaganda to call upon male knightliness and sympathy to establish that women 
have been cheated of their freedom and culture by men. This has led them to demand an alteration in the future. 

On the other side, efforts are today made to prove that men generally had mismanaged things, that the century of women 
approaches, and that in the past there were significant feminist states in which men played the role of obedient house pets. From this we 
should draw consolation in that the collapse of the male state would not bring chaos in its wake. But, on the contrary, a real culture and a 
real human state would commence. It is amusing to follow these new writers of history as they proceed. They report, for example, that a 
Kamshad woman cannot be moved, even by the greatest promises, to wash clothes, repair them or perform other household duties — 
from which presumably comes the high culture of Kamshadalia. Particular attention has been paid to Egypt. Diodoros and Strabon, as 
well as Herodotos, have been scoured for evidence to interpret signs of female worship as evidence that Egypt was ruled by women. 
This is said to be proven by the inscription over the sculptures of King Ramses and his wife on a gate. It is written there: 

See what the goddess wife speaks, the royal mother, the mistress of the world." 

They alleged that this proves that the queen stood above the king. The words spoken about the mother are totally ignored. Further, 
they allege that the male Egyptian principally performed the household tasks while the women ruled. Let us, for a moment, agree. 
Simply stated, the doctrine fails because we can and have been trying to show that women founded no states. They have not created 
science. It is merely because they were oppressed? 

But simultaneously, naturally, unwillingly, another thing is proved: that women with, or in spite of all, freedom have neither 
founded nor maintained a state. For Egypt was not a women's state. From King Menes (approximately 3,400 B.C.) onward, the history 
of the Egyptian state is the history of men. The first king's tomb is that of Chent, whose government created the foundation of Egyptian 
culture. The king is the incarnation of Horus; even after death he can take wives away from husbands, whence he wishes, if his heart is 
seized by the desire The god, he is called, the great house — Pharaoh. 

Royalty finds its rigid limitations in the ceremonial, in the typifying arrangement of law, in the observance of which its divinity is 
linked. Each of the kings built his own residence according to his capacity; his own sarcophagus, as a memorial. The rhythm of ordinary 
life was determined by the official, the chamberlain, the technician, or, in short, the scribe. After periods of unrest, Amenehet I struggled 
toward creative power. The classical period of Egypt had begun. The fact that the Egyptian male state allowed the greatest freedom for 
women shows that there can, in fact, be rule by women, but not a female state per se. This concept is a contradiction in itself, just as the 
term men's state represents a tautology. 

Things are not as simple as, nor are they solved by, establishing an equilibrium between a male and a female political system. The 
establishment of equal rights is not, despite claims to the contrary, a cultural goal worth striving for. A swing of the pendulum away 
from the formation of a male type does signify a time of degeneracy. The pendulum does not swing over to form a new type; rather it 
lands in a swamp. Rule by women is an example of absolutely nothing. For a European race — and not only for it — a time of rule by 
women is a time of decay in the structure of life. With further perpetuation, it signifies the decline of a culture, and of the race. 

Even if women have become rulers during the course of European history, through dynastic succession, whether they have ruled 
well or badly, they did this within, and supported by the existing form of a male state. They have subordinated and adapted themselves 
to his type, in order after death to once again make room for a man. Ministers, generals and soldiers, represented by women — this would 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 1 



be the prerequisite for a Women's state. 

As monarchy ended in France, women were of necessity brought into positions of influence. The aristocratic lady possessed all the 
rights of the feudal lords. She could raise troops and collect taxes. Female landed property owners on a large scale had positions on, and 
voting rights in, the representative bodies of their class. Some, for example, as Madame de Sevigne did, indeed, become peers of France. 
In the self disintegrating guilds, the female masters could even determine the professional right to vote. 

Some ideas of the French Revolution included the liberation of women. Its spokeswomen were the demi monde women, Olympe de 
Gouges and Theroigne de Mericourt. As long as the revolutionaries fought, women could not use the rights which they had possessed 
under the old regime. Later, they drew advantage from the Democratic victory. Napoleon was much hated by emancipated women on 
account of his antifeminist Code Napoleon. 

The Americans, who granted women equal rights from the very beginning, are praised for this, but then, this was to be expected. If 
one studies the history of the United states, then he clearly notices two types of rule by women in American society, despite the fact that 
it has a male state. The American man still ruthlessly forces his will on society. The ceaseless hunt for the dollar almost exclusively 
governs his existence. His culture is represented by sport and technology. All paths of art, science and politics stand open to the 
emancipated woman. Her social position is undoubtedly superior to the male. The consequence of this rule by women in America is the 
strikingly low cultural level of the nation. A real cultural and vital type will come into existence in America only when the chase after 
the dollar has been tamed and when the contemporary technological man has begun to think about the nature and aim of existence. 
Emerson represented the first reflective moment in America. But unfortunately, this was only a moment. In spite of the social 
predominance of woman, the state is nevertheless, by necessity, masculine. If diplomacy and national defence were also female 
controlled, then America could not maintain its existence as a state. 

The essence of the state can be very different in content, but, from a formal aspect, it must always exercise power. Power is won and 
maintained in this world only through struggle, in the struggle for life and death. If we are to seriously regard the female demand for 
political power, then we must assume they can maintain that power with a female army. It is not necessary to discuss this absurdity or 
the organic impossibility of such a thing. Venereal diseases would rapidly increase in the Army and racial decay through miscegenation 
would be unavoidable. Even a mixed male female army would become but a huge brothel. 

The present day state is accused of dual morality. The fact is, that in the first instance, it created and preserved the family, and not 
conversely. The fact is that it is the male state, which, for example, lays a duty upon the male party, whether guilty or not, in a divorce to 
maintain his divorced wife in a manner to which she is accustomed. But one never hears from women who call for equal rights that in 
the case of unfaithfulness by the wife, they wish to see an identical obligation laid upon her to care for the deceived husband. This would 
be a completely justified demand if no differences are to exist between the sexes. In actuality though, the campaigners for women's 
rights want nothing in their deepest nature more than to be maintained at the expense of the man. In America, things have gone so far 
that the one sided law of divorce has become entrenched almost everywhere. Beyond this, efforts are made to place a legal obligation 
upon the man to hand over a fixed percentage of his income to his wife. 

Just as the Jews everywhere call for equal rights and by this mean only their own privileges — so the emancipated woman must 
eventually face the fact she is really not demanding equal rights, but a parasitical life at the expense of male strength. Moreover, she 
wishes to have social and political privileges. The man of the 19th century infected with liberalism has simply not understood this. The 
chaos of the present is the revenging angel which punishes liberal man for such forgetfulness. 

Today, the awakening individual sees that the god of the ballot paper is an empty scrap of rag without importance. The universal, 
identical, secret yet direct, voting right is not a magic wand but a tool of disintegration in the hands of folkish hostile demagogues. Is this 
universal right to vote then to be taken away from women? Yes! But also from men! A folkish state will not undertake to make major 
decisions through anonymous male and female voting masses. Such decisions will be made by responsible personalities. 

Liberalism taught freedom of movement, free trade, parliamentarianism, emancipation of women, equality of men, human equality, 
equality of the sexes, and so on. In this, it sinned against a natural law that creation only arises through the release of polar conditioned 
tensions. That is, a high degree of energy is necessary to perform work of any kind. To create culture. Today, in the midst of the collapse 
of the feminised old world, the German idea demands strength, type forming, restriction, discipline, protection of racial character and a 
straightforward recognition of the eternal polarity of the sexes. 

The cry for equal rights, or more correctly, for the female state, has a very characteristic undercurrent. The demand to be able to 
create freely in science, law and politics, shows Amazonlike features, that is, tendencies to be competitive with man in decidedly male 
domains; to appropriate his knowledge, ability and actions, and to imitate his diverse activities in life. But alongside this goes the 
demand for erotic freedom and the removal of sexual restraints. 

The purely individualistic idea, the leading cause of all decadent social and political conditions, also dissolved the strict masculine 
form of discipline which is natural to all nations. If one were now of the opinion that woman should activate all her powers in order to 
protect her children from the consequences of dissolution, then what we see is emancipation doing exactly the opposite. Woman 
demands the right to enjoy erotic freedom within her female sex. Serious minded individual women have certainly opposed this 
impulsiveness. Nevertheless the erotic revolution has been extensively implanted through the efforts of the campaigners for women's 
rights. Now, the liberated, type forming, woman appeared. She seeks the formative power to continue her species. Liberationist Anna 
Augspurg wrote, A woman who possesses self respect, cannot enter into a legal marriage. This can be regarded as the gospel of the 
erotic programme. Made bold by a violent emphasis on the value of personality and self determination, crazed women threw away the 
last protection of their sex and destroyed the last thing which offers them and their children security in life. The emancipated woman 
responded by demanding that the state assume sole responsibility for the care of her children. What state? Is the state then to become 
nothing but a welfare institution that will take care of the consequences of unbridled sexuality? Here, there is the denial of the idea of 
duty on one's own part when irresponsible demands are made upon others. What we mean to say is that a truly emancipated state does 
not exist at all. For, without the concept of duty, the survival of a state is inconceivable over the long run. The campaigner for women's 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 1 1 



rights curses marriage as legal prostitution, but, if in place of the man, it is the state which pays, how is anything altered in the whole 
affair? 

If man only thought subjectively, that is without relationship to the community, then ultimately he could attempt to justify this. He 
could go from one woman to another, amusing himself according to his capabilities, with the woman left to foot the bill if she is left 
pregnant. The necessary consequences of the doctrine of emancipation are of great concern to us. Ruth Bra warned women against the 
liberated polygamous male who might hit upon the incredible idea of experimenting with a large number of free marriages. Free love 
would be at an end, and women would prescribe the necessary measure of love's joys to men. 

As is known, other emancipated women have found other ways out. They have experimented with abortion and contraception. 

Already, the time draws enticingly near when scientists will succeed in discovering harmless ways to destroy the fetus. A gay 
outlook for all those who are not obsessed by the rage du nomber. 

So wrote the Stocker woman in Mother protection. This longing outcry by a prophetess naturally also has a scientific underlay. As 
far as abortion is concerned, we offer the opinion that this is only an offence because the state is governed by men. Things would be 
completely different in a state run by women. Then women would automatically be granted permission to destroy the fetus. Abortions 
are permitted only as a female right tied to the physical freedom of woman. Liberationists note with pride, that the Swiss canton of Basle 
already permits abortion. These experts on the liberation of women time and again find themselves, along with their enthusiastic 
followers, in an agreeable, united front with Democracy and Marxism, all of which aim at the decomposition and destruction of our race. 
From the right to absolute personal freedom necessarily follows the denial of racial barriers. Our emancipated women lay claim to the 
right to have sexual intercourse with blacks, Jews, Chinese. Women, as the chosen preservers of the race, can also become the destroyers 
of all foundations of the folkhood, if permitted to complete their emancipation. These truly emancipated women have disregarded every 
moral restriction along with the concept of honour and duty. They recognise only the concepts and ideas of development, ratios of 
power, relayering. But the idea of degeneracy, the necessary counterpart to the idea of development, is almost completely disregarded. 
They therefore speak little about the fact that with an increasing drive toward a women's state, female, as well as male, prostitution 
would proliferate. However, we need not fear greatly that such a thing will happen, but only because men are not psychologically 
disposed to allow such an abomination to occur. 

A powerful group of emancipated women, including Ms. Elbertskirchen, Ms. Meisel Hess, and Ms. Augspurg, naturally opposes 
prostitution, but not on general moral grounds. Rather, they simply wish to insure lifelong security for other women. How dishonourable 
the struggle of this group is! This can be seen in the fact that although they will not recognise any marital bonds for themselves, they do 
lay claim to free love for life. 

A preview of conditions in the hypothetical female state is provided in certain centres of our democratically controlled great cities. 
Delicately tripping dolls in lacquered shoes and lilac stockings, hung with bracelets, with fragile rings on their fingers, with blue eyelids 
and red lips — these are the types which would become universal in the coming female state. Emancipated women do not look upon all 
this as decline and decay. They see it as a swing of the pendulum away from the hated men's state and toward the women's paradise, as 
an allegedly necessary historical development. As a result, every difference in value is given up, every bastard, every cretin swollen with 
pride, can regard himself as a necessary member of human society and lay claim to the right of license and equal rights. 

The abortion movement can be described as an act of despair in the face of present day social conditions. It is one thing to promote 
the decline of the people, and yet another to attack it with passionate will. A state power which sets as its goal the elimination of its 
children corrupts us all. This signifies total racial and cultural decline. This practice denies the possibility of salvation for women and 
men, for our entire people. 

In the face of present conditions Nordic man is absolutely not to be taken under state protection. On the contrary, he is, in the first 
place, responsible for the crises in contemporary life. But his guilt lies in a completely different direction from where the emancipated 
woman seeks it! His crime is that of not having been any longer a complete man. For the same reason woman has frequently ceased to 
be a woman. The man became devoid of an outlook on the world, of a world view. He has allowed his former religious faith to collapse 
and his scientific conceptualisation to become shaky. He has also lost his type and style forming power in all domains. Therefore 
liberated woman reached out for the helm of state as an Amazon. She therefore demanded an erotic anarchy as proof of her 
emancipation. But she has not emancipated herself from the masculine state. She only betrayed the honour of her own sex and of nature. 

With the Oriental peoples, religion linked with prostitution was quite customary. The priests nowhere allowed themselves to be 
deprived of this satisfaction. The same was likewise true of the pious Babylonian and Egyptian women. Initially they refused enforced 
prostitution, but eventually they gave in. The history of the goddess Ishtar is instructive. We see in the metamorphosis of this deity the 
decline of a people. At first she was the maidenly goddess of hunting, indeed, of war. During Hammurabi' s time she was still 
represented with a beard. Then she was held to be queen of heaven, goddess of love and fertility. Under Phoenician influences she 
became the protective spirit of religious prostitution. Later, as Astarte, she became the symbol of sexual anarchy. As a result, Babylon 
was dissolved as a state and as a type; it was finished. 

Whoever wishes to avert European decline must release himself from the liberal, disintegrative of the state, view of the world and 
gather all forces, men and women, each in the allotted sphere, under the watchwords of racial protection, folkish strength and state 
discipline. 

An evaluating judgement of woman has naturally not been made with the preceding observations. However, it represents a decisive 
insight for the cultivation of a future generation of Germanically conscious men and women that man proceeds in life by inventing, 
shaping and synthesising in the world; whereas woman proceeds lyrically. If the average man in ordinary life does not always reveal 
great intellectual architectonics, it remains a fact that great foundations of state, codes of law, organisations, type forming, of the 
political, military and churchly kind, comprehensive philosophical and creative systems, symphonies, dramas and sacred buildings have 
all been created by the synthesising masculine spirit. Opposed to this, the woman represents a world which in its beauty and originality, 
is not inferior to that of the man. It faces his in equal rank. The Amazonlike emancipated woman — as we have seen — is guilty of the 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 1 2 



crime of making women lose the high respect due her nature. It incorporated the values of the man into her own. This signifies a 
spiritual disturbance, a demagnetising of the female nature. Similarly, the modern, instead of concerning himself with the architectonics 
and synthetics of existence, began to worship the idols of humanity, love of mankind, pacifism, the liberation of slaves, and so on. It is 
also erroneous if one regards all of this as only stages, not as permanent. Despite the liberation of the emancipation movement, woman 
has not become architectonic but merely intellectual — as Amazon — or purely erotic — as representative of the sexual revolution. In both 
cases she has forfeited her innermost essence and has still not attained masculinity. The same also holds conversely, for the emancipated 
man. 

From the standpoint of woman; state, code law, science and philosophy could be regarded as something external. What then is the 
purpose of the existence of forms, schemes or consciousness? Is the spontaneous flow of things, the unconscious in living experience of 
what is deepest not great and beautiful? Must one always have need of works in order to prove the existence of a soul? And are these 
forms and works of the man often not born out of an atmosphere of the lyrically feminine which would not have come into existence 
without the woman? 

Life is being and becoming, consciousness and subconsciousness simultaneously. In his eternal becoming, the man seeks to create a 
being through the formation of ideas and works. These things form the world as an organically architectonic structure. Woman is the 
eternal guardian of the subconscious. 

The Nordic Germanic myths represent the goddess Freya as the protectress of eternal youth and beauty. If one robbed the gods of 
her, then they would age and decline. Through her relationship to Loki, primeval mythic wisdom is revealed. Loki was a bastard of the 
gods. There was once a lengthy discussion concerning whether he should be recognised as being of equal rank to other gods in Valhalla. 
Finally, this was granted. This bastard Loki played the role of contractor when Odin's fortress was to be rebuilt by giants. He then 
offered Freya as payment! When the gods heard of this agreement, they refused to honour it, whereupon Loki cheated the giants. Then 
Odin, the guardian of the law, himself fell into the pangs of guilt. His attempt to make expiation was the downfall of Valhalla. In this 
myth we find a deep perception which is awakening again only today. The bastard thoughtlessly handed over the symbol of racial 
immortality, of eternal youth, and thus pulled the noble into participation in his guilt. What may Odin indeed have whispered into the 
ears of dead Baldur when he accompanied him on his last journey? 

Translated into present day language, the Germanic Myth says: In the hand and in the nature of woman lies the preservation of our 
race. A people can still pull itself up out of political servitude, but never again from racial pollution. If the women of a nation give birth 
to black or Jewish bastards, if the muddy tide of black art passes unhindered over Europe as today, if the Jewish brothel literature comes 
into homes, if the Syrian of the Kurfurstendamm is also regarded as a folkish comrade and a marriageable man — then such conditions 
will ensure that Germany — and the whole of Europe — will be populated in its intellectual centres by bastards. With the teaching of 
erotic rebirth, the Jew of today reaches out — aided by the teachings of the emancipation of women — at the roots of our entire being. Just 
when an awakening Germany will reach the stage of carrying out a merciless cleansing with an iron broom and with ruthless discipline 
is uncertain. But, if anywhere, then in the preaching of remaining pure in race, lies the holiest and greatest task of woman today. This 
means the guarding and preserving of that unconscious, of that still unconcentrated, but particularly original, life. We speak here of the 
life upon which the substance of art, architectonics and of our racial culture are dependent. Those values which alone make us creative. 

But instead of heeding this most important and greatest need of all, many women still listen to the decoying cry of the enemies of 
our race and folkhood, and are ready in all seriousness — for the sake of ballot paper and parliamentary seats — to declare war unto the 
death on men. Apparently, so that she will not remain a second class citizen of the state, woman has been incited to work for the right to 
vote, as if, under the present rule by money, our destiny is actually decided by elections! 

Meanwhile, the instinct toward choosing a man is dirtied by open and secret soul and race polluting magazines and books. Woman 
today brings money into the Jewish stores from whose display windows the glittering decadence of a corrupt time shines forth, while 
present day liberal and lukewarm man is too weak to stem the entire current. The lyrical passion of woman which, in times of privation, 
can become just as heroic as the formative will of the man, seems to have been long buried. It is the task of the real woman to clear away 
this rubble. Emancipation of women from the emancipation of woman is the first demand of a female generation which wishes to save 
folk and race — the eternally unconscious, the foundation of all culture — from decline. 

The age of Victorianism and the dreamy romantic girl's life are naturally finished once and for all. Woman belongs deeply to the 
total life of the people. All educational opportunities must remain open to her. Through rhythmical exercises, gymnastics and sport the 
same care must be given to her physical training as is the case with a man. Nor should any difficulties be created for her in the 
vocational world under present day social conditions, in which respect the law for the protection of mothers should be more strongly 
implemented. 

Doubtless, however, the efforts of those who would renew our folkdom after breaking up the folkish alien democratic Marxist 
system, must prepare the way for a social order which no longer forces young women — as is the case today — to stream in droves to the 
labour markets of life which consume the most important feminine energies. Hence all possibilities for the development of a woman's 
energies should remain open to her. But we must be clear on one point: only men must be and remain judges, soldiers, and rulers of 
state. Today these professions demand more than ever an unlyrical, indeed, tough, attitude, recognising only what corresponds to a type 
and what is folkish. If we give up here we act forgetfully of our duty toward past and future. The hardest man must still be hard enough 
for the iron future. When the death penalty is fixed for mocking of race and folk, when the jail awaits those who pollute the race, then 
we will need nerves of steel and rugged formative powers until what is monstrous — to some — has at last become self evident. 

Different souls must not be levelled, equilibrated, but must be regarded as to organic essence, cultivated in their peculiarities. The 
architectonic and lyricism of existence is a dual chord. Man and woman are the poles producing the electricity of life. The stronger every 
essence is for itself, the greater the effect of labour, the cultural value and life will of the entire people will be. Whoever arrogates to 
himself the power to undermine this law must find his decisive enemies in the real man and the real woman. If no one protects himself 
any longer against racial and sexual chaos, then decline has become irreversible. 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 1 3 



In the first book, the highest value of the Teutons has been extensively dealt with. This is served — in a different manner — by the 
German man and the German woman. But to cultivate it as a life type can and must be the task of the man, of a league of men. We stand 
in the midst of an enormous process of fermentation. Many personalities and bodies still struggle against the Medieval church and 
freemasonry but only in an instinctive, negative, defensive fight. They are still disunited because the type of the future must first be 
worked out and the supreme value of honour has not yet been unconditionally accepted. The great idea emanates from a few, but in 
order to form others into leaders, these few must tolerate in leading posts only personalities to whom the ideas of honour and duty have 
become the supreme values. All who give way — from whatever reasons — will ultimately have a harmful effect on the future. Power, 
soul and racial adjustment must coincide in order to help the coming type. To carry this out is the first and last task of a leader of the 
German future. 

The German Reich, if it is to continue to exist after the revolution of 1933, will be the work of a league of men conscious of their 
goal. These men must be clear concerning what value is to be regarded as supreme in the coming life of the nation. This highest value, 
around which all remaining commandment of life must be grouped, must correspond to the innermost essence of the people. For only 
then will it tolerate the necessary tough discipline. This discipline will last decades. We must bear this discipline gladly. This one single 
innermost turning point must, however, be completed. From it everything else results. 

Out of the dogma of the representation of god, the Papacy created its moral, theoretical and effective practical political power. This 
mythical based dogma alone determined — until the present day — the types and the history of peoples who number in the millions. 
Today, this dogma is consciously and ruthlessly rejected and combated. And, through a faith likewise growing to mythical power, it will 
be replaced by a belief in one's own soul and race values. The idea of honour — national honour — not Christian love, not freemasonic 
humanity, not the Roman philosophy. 

All the forces which formed our soul had their origins in great personalities. As thinkers, they had the effect of setting an aim; 
unveiling an essence as poets; type forming, as statesmen. They were all somehow typical dreamers of themselves and of their people. 

Goethe did not cultivate a type. Far more he signified a universal enrichment of all existence. Many of his words brought bubbling 
forth the hidden spiritual sources which otherwise perhaps might have not broken through. This occurred in all domains of life. Goethe 
represented our essence in Faust. The eternal, which, after every recasting of our soul, is inherent in the new form. As a result, Goethe 
has become the guardian and the preserver of our disposition. He is a figure such as our people possessed at no previous time. When the 
times of bitter struggle are finally over, Goethe will once again begin to have a perceptible outward effect. However, in the coming 
decades he will pass into the background, because to him the power of a idea, type forming, was hateful. In life, as in composing poetry, 
he did not wish to recognise any dictatorship of an idea. Without such an idea a people never remains a people and will never create a 
true state. Just as Goethe forbade his son to participate in the German war of liberation and had to leave the smith's hammer of destiny 
in the hands of Stein, Scharnhorst and Gneisenau, so would he — if living among us today — not be a leader in the struggle for freedom 
and for the new shaping of our century. There exists no real greatness without the limitation of sacrifice. This man, infinitely rich of 
mind, could not concentrate and ruthlessly follow one course. 

Jesus also is no former of a type but an enricher of souls. Gregorius the Great, Gregorius VII, Innocentius III, and Bonifacius VIII 
have allotted the personality of Jesus a place in the Roman league of priests. He became the servant of his slaves for exactly the opposite 
purpose than he had conceived. Similarly with saint Francis. On the other hand, Mohammed and Confucius were strong type creating 
powers. They stuck to one goal, outlined paths. Mohammed enforced the following of his teachings, while Confucius, with a more quiet 
effect, created and preserved Chinese folkhood. In a fundamentally similar way to Mohammed, Ignatius Loyola formed a type. He 
consciously trod under foot men's feelings of honour, set a new goal for ideas, revealed exact means and ways and was thus a conscious 
cultivator of souls. Beyond this, the Jesuit spirit also created a physiognomically determined outward type, so to speak. 

We experience a similar phenomenon in the art realm. Here there are personalities who are unique, who do not create a universal 
style and others, conversely, who live as type forming. A Michael Angelo, for example, has enriched art as only a few have done, but a 
continuation of his mode of working would lead to chaos. The same may hold of Rembrandt and Leonardo. Raphael, on the other hand, 
has proven a great type power, similar to Titian and Greek art. 

A related phenomenon is also offered by political life: Alexander gave birth to, and embodied the idea of, world empire. Rome 
seized upon this idea. The personal name of Caesar then grows into the monarchs' title of Kaiser and Czar. A type of ruler who was 
favoured by god arose, linked with the Roman church. Napoleon signified an equally strong revolutionary power like Caesar, but, until 
the present, this type had only the effect of uprooting. It was not initially type creating. In another way, Luther shattered the alien crust 
over our life, but neither in a religious nor in the state aspect did he represent a type. He had to liberate our disposition to strike a blow 
against the rock, in order to free a passage for the spring of life to gush forth. That it took so long — until the great Prussian kings — 
before a man was found to force the latter into an organic river bed, signified the tragedy of later German history. 

In face of the collapse of the German Reich after scarcely 44 years of existence, one final question — apart from those already dealt 
with at the beginning — now arises: Was a power, type forming, in the state operative in 1870 generally or not? Yes and no. I believe that 
Bismarck — as far as the consequences of his achievements and their driving force, but not his mode of operation are concerned — will 
one day be judged like Luther. He belongs among those natures who, gifted with a rarely seen will, can lay their stamp onto an entire 
epoch, yet create around themselves a desolation, sown with trodden personalities who had failed to unconditionally subordinate 
themselves. For decades, the complaint has been raised that Bismarck, out of a feeling of his own absolute superiority, regarded all 
ministries as mere private offices and the ministers as caretakers of his chancellery. However foolishly and unwisely Wilhelm II may 
have behaved towards Bismarck, and however mediocre his talents may appear from reading his Ereignisse und Gestalten(Happening 
and Form), a correct picture is nevertheless contained in them. Wilhelm compared Bismarck with an unexpected block of stone in an 
open field. If one rolled it away, then only worms were to be found under it. That is the symbol of our political history during the past 
fifty years. The imperial idea of 1871 was only a gazing back at the inwardly dead rule of Kaiserism by the grace of god. At the same 
time, it was linked in an unruly marriage with chaotic liberalism. Only a Bismarck was still successful in blowing a hot breath of life 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 1 4 



into this inorganic structure. In the feeling of his irreplaceability, his masterful consciousness of duty was enhanced to admit no 
successor of independent nature. Germany's history would not have been essentially altered if Wilhelm I had left Bismarck still in 
office. Thus, the great man created and carpentered the Reich with one hand and, with the other, cast the firebrand into his own house. 
No other political power was at hand to avert the fortune. 

But alongside Bismarck a personality was at work. We attribute the fact that Germany did not decline to this figure. This man, 
Moltke, must be thanked for making possible the four and a half years of heroic struggle in the world war. We take this point of 
reference from Spengler. This creator of the great general staff was the strongest, type forming, power since Frederick the Great. He was 
not the man to weld the soul of the people by verbal political argument, but it was he who helped to greatly cultivate existing personality 
values and to form the consciousness of individual responsibility into the prerequisite of all actions. The ratio carried through by Moltke 
between the responsible general and his chief of staff was the exact counterpart of what Bismarck did in diplomacy. Bismarck had made 
efforts to make his ministers financially dependent. The direct subordinate was obligated to represent his views with all acuteness, to 
provide a basis for them and, with opposite commands, to have them made into protocol. This principle, carried out from above to 
below, was furthered through definitions which all had the single aim of making the German soldier — in spite of the strictest 
discipline — into a self reliant, thinking and resolutely acting man and fighter. That was the secret of German successes in the world war. 
In spite of unavoidable human feelings, the type of the German soldier developing from the Prussian officer of Frederick the Great is 
eloquent proof of the fact that the methods of Graf Moltke are the only path to salvation for the rising Third Reich, if we wish to avoid 
collapse once again after a liberating revolution of intoxicating joy. 

Moltke was a personality of merciless consequentiality. But his dynamism never poured itself out in terrifying outbreaks like that of 
Luther or Bismarck. He rarely withdrew into equally deep spiritual contrition like the souls of the other two. Nonetheless, Moltke had a 
compelling effect upon his environment; compelling, not depressing. Germany's Second Reich was founded on the battlefield. It was 
created by Bismarck. But it was preserved by the personality and type creating power of Moltke' s genius. After Bismarck, loud 
nonentities with directionless flattering natures became chancellors of the Reich. These men fluctuated between his teachings and those 
of the liberalising forces. They led the German people into the net of hostile, goal conscious diplomats. But it also happened that a great 
number of outstanding generals and soldiers arose from the grey clad German army, such as all the rest of the world could not show. 
From 1914 to 1918 the real German Reich was not in Germany; it stood at the front on the Falkland Isles, at Tsingtau, in German East 
Africa, in the Indian Ocean and in the sky over England. Worms sat upon ministerial seats in Germany. They did not know what should 
be done with the most powerful state in the field. 

It was not the fault of the system devised by Moltke, that if before the war the officer type became more and more alienated from 
the rest of the people, became a caste, and, finally, began to reveal the bad side of a divisiveness which was inorganic for Germany. An 
officer class based only on honour had to separate itself more and more from unscrupulous traders and stock exchange swindlers. But in 
order to carry through this separation, abrupt boundaries had to be drawn which seemed humanly unpleasant. They were quite necessary; 
for the purpose of slandering the Jewish press and selflessly defending Germany, these officers sacrificed themselves on the battlefields. 
They also shaped those who, from 1914 to 1918, put on the grey uniform of honour for the first time. 

Bourgeois and Marxist Germany had become Mythless. It no longer had a supreme value in which it believed, for which it was 
ready to fight. It wished to conquer the world peacefully by means of trade and to fill its money bags. It had already sunk so low in its 
trading and usury that it was astonished when this did not please other peoples, when alliances were formed against the danger from 
German commercial travellers. In August, 1914, the supreme value of the army of Moltke became the highest value of the people. 
Everything which was still real and great threw aside the philosophy of the trader. It thanked the German soldier for protecting the 
national idea of honour. Moltke seemed to triumph. Then he was retired by the supreme commander. Instead of now — after many years 
of lack of concern for the supreme values of our people — seizing the opportunity and hanging upon the gallows that rabble which had 
spat upon him for years, the Kaiser reached his hand out to the Marxist leaders, rehabilitated those guilty of treason, and set up worms as 
masters in a state that was fighting for its existence. Later, together with his people, he received the thanks paid out to him by these 
worms on the 9th of November, 1918. 

It is beyond question that it is the Moltke type, during the first period of a future Germany, which will form our league of men — let 
us call it the German Order. This group must step strongly into the foreground in order to save us in the present chaotic confusion. There 
is also a need for preachers with Lutherlike natures who hypnotise, and for writers who consciously demagnetise hearts. The Lutherlike 
leader in the coming Reich must, however, be clear about the fact that he must unconditionally abandon the system of Bismarck after 
victory. He must transfer the principles of Moltke to politics if he wishes not only to realise himself, but, also, beyond his death, to 
create a permanent Reich sworn to a highest value. Whatever shape things may take, whether eruptive, or powers creative of form, both 
must only be of the essence of the Nordic soul. Since the descendants of completely alien races have filtered into Europe, one cannot 
form a Germanic Reich German Nation. One then hands over the future to the free play of forces in the political realm such as were 
elevated into principles in the economic sphere after 1871. But then all sacrifices in spirit and blood will have been made in vain. After a 
short time, the same democracy will come to the helm, and the German war of liberation will be only an episode on the way to decline, 
not a symbol of a new, yet most passionately striven for, ascent. 

A belief, a Myth, is only real when it had grasped the entire man. In the best interests of the future, all political, tactical and 
propagandist considerations must step back. Frederick The Great's concept of honour, Moltke's method of discipline and Bismarck's 
sacred will — these are the three powers which, embodied in different personalities in varied mixture, serve only one thing: the honour of 
the German nation. It is the Myth which must determine the type of the future German. If one has recognised this, then it will have 
already begun to take shape in the present. 



The Myth of the 20th Century 1 1 5 



Chapter III. Folk and State 

Folk, state, churches and army have stood in very different ratios of power to one another during the course of our history. The 
victory of Roman Christianity signified the abandonment of the organic Germanic ideas of the king as a measuring rod of worldly 
action. We have, in its stead, the ethereal idea of emperor which was arrogated by the church as the legacy of ancient Rome. A thousand 
years passed until — beginning with Henry the Lion or Heinrich der Lowe, and continued by Brandenburg — the Nordic kingdom 
renewed itself while the Roman Emperorship declined in the swamp of the House of Habsburg. Admittedly, the Staufers were also self 
sufficient enough to declare their IMPERIVM as German and independent of Rome. At the meeting at Besancon, for example, the Papal 
delegates, who described the IMPERIVM as a Papal endowment, were beaten half dead by the counts and dukes of Friedrich II. 
Nevertheless, this self consciousness was not built upon a doctrine firmly laid down in principle of the predominance of emperor over 
pope. Thus it was not a tradition or a perpetuated, type forming, force. 

Rome had falsified its claim to power, beginning with the forgeries known as The Donation of Constantinus about 750. The fact that 
Constantinus was baptised as an Arianist, is suppressed. Pope Hadrianus I lied to Charlemagne when he asserted that this Decretal was 
to be found in the Vatican archives. The deluded king of the Franks accepted in principle the predominance of the Roman bishop, 
despite the fact that in the year 800 the pope had thrown himself on his knees before Charlemagne. 

The subsequent popes, on the basis of these falsified documents, laid claim to their legal and traditionally established predominance. 
This happened despite the fact that these documents were proven forgeries. An entire literature was devoted to the establishment of the 
prime rights of the church over the crown. These claims were accepted until the high tide mark was reached in the Bull VNAM 
SANCTVM issued by Pope Bonifacius VIII. In this document Bonifacius declared that 

It is a requirement of salvation that every creature be subject to the Roman pope. 

This Bull was expressly described by the Jesuit General Werntz, who died in 1914, as a 'definition of dogma which solemnly 
recorded the relationship between church and state for eternity. Other church teachers passed judgement in exactly the same way. As a 
result other pronouncements followed concerning oaths to the state. The Jesuit Lehmkuhl, counsellor of the German centre party, 
declared that it was clear that state civil oaths could never be binding as a duty if they were opposed to church law. Since, however, this 
right called for the subordination of the state to the church, then what Rome had demanded was that no oaths be recognised which are 
not sanctified by the church. The Jesuit Sanchez attributed to the church the power to declare oaths null and void, and the Jesuit 
Lehmkuhl openly defended military desertion. Indeed, he obligated catholics to do this in the event they were forced to participate in an 
unjust war — such as 1 866 and 1 870. 

This unequivocal position of the Roman church toward the state represents a natural counterpiece seen from the standpoint of the 
idea of the German folkish state. 

After the collapse of absolute monarchy in 1789, Democratic principles struggled with the National idea. Separated from the start, 
and later bringing both movements into rigidity, a new doctrine of power alien to the blood was formulated which reached its peak in 
Hegel. It was then taken over in renewed falsification by Karl Marx, who equated state with class rule. Today, we confront the problem. 
The state has delivered itself and the people to the dishonourable forces of trade. It has appeared to the broad masses more and more as a 
soulless tool of violence. The views of Hegel concerning the absolutist state in itself became predominant during recent years in 
Germany, and not only in Germany. The official moved more and more into a position of master, and forgot, thanks to the identical 
attitude of those ruling, that he was nothing other than a representative of the entire folk whose duty it is to fulfil the technical or 
political needs of the folk. The state and the state official thus became separated from the organic body of the people, and appeared as a 
special mechanical apparatus toward the latter, in order to lay claim to control over life. Millions took a hostile attitude against this 
development, but since no opponent dared to appear openly in the national camp, those who were discontented moved to the side of 
international social democracy, although they inwardly really were not Marxists. 

The revolt of 1918 altered nothing in all this because the Marxists naturally had really nothing in common with the German people. 
They strove only for the establishment of fixed international principles, using the old technical apparatus, and the state in itself appeared 
again in active opposition to the enemies of the state. The roles were all exchanged and the soulless essence remained. But this essence 
had become far more distinct after 1918, because the state had earlier, on occasion, stood in the way of open enemies of the people; but 
now, in the person of its judges, the state was forced to imprison men whose lives and actions were devoted only to service and sacrifice 
for the people. 

State and folk thus often confronted each other openly as enemies. From 1918 to 1933 they even appeared as deadly enemies. Our 
destiny will be shaped according to the manner in which this inner conflict is resolved. 

Today, the state is no longer a separated idol before which we are all supposed to lie in the dust. The state does not even have a 
purpose unless it acts to preserve the concept of folk. The state is only one means to do this. Church, law, art and science must do 
likewise. State forms change and state laws pass away, but the folkish concept remains. It follows from this that the nation is the first 
and last consideration to which everything else is to be subordinated. And it also follows from this that there can be no state judges, only 
people's judges. Unless this be true the entire legal foundation of life would alter. The only other possible result would be such 
degrading conditions as have been common during the last decade. One and the same state attorney had earlier to represent the Kaiser's 
state, then the Republican. An independent judge was likewise dependent upon one basic system. Thus it is possible that, on the basis of 
Roman law,, the state attorney as servant of the state in the name of the people hindered the folkish guiding of the people. Abstract 
popular sovereignty of Democracy and the contemptuous words of Hegel — The people is that part of the state which does not know 
what it wants — have produced the same insubstantial scheme of so called state authority. 

But the authority of the folkhood stands higher then this authority of state. Whoever does not regard this as so is an enemy of the 
people, even if it be the state itself. Such was the situation until 1933. 

This was the view from one side, but it must be said concerning the content of the other, that an unconditional conformity is just as 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 1 6 



unfolkish as the old state law. The question of the monarchy — and of the monarch — is also a question of utility — in all events in the 
highest sense — and not a dogmatic one. Those who regard it as such do not differ essentially in their character structure from the Social 
Democrats who, in a certain sense, are conformist Republicans who have no consideration for what might otherwise happen to the entire 
people. Thus, the correct, awakening instinct of the German people shows everywhere today. Thus it will ultimately become evident. 
The Republic will need to become folkish or vanish. And a monarchy which, in advance, does not rid itself of certain old prejudices, 
could likewise not last, for it must necessarily perish from the same causes as the empire of Kaiser Wilhelm II. 

The spirit of the future has today finally announced its demands. From the 30th of January, 1933 onward, its rule has begun. 

In the 17th century the retreat of the pope began. The days of papal control over a world state were ended. In 1789, the dynasty, as 
an absolute value, made room for styleless liberalism. In 1871, the state began to make itself independent of the people; people which 
had actually first created it. Today, the people finally begins consciously to lay claim to the place rightfully befitting it. 

The demand for freedom as well as the call for authority and type have almost everywhere been falsely posed and inorganically 
answered. Authority was demanded in Europe in the name of an abstract state principle or in the name of Liberal individualism and 
church universalism. In each case the claim was laid that all races and peoples had to subordinate themselves to this god given authority 
and its forms. The answer to this rigid dogma was the cry for unrestricted freedom — for anarchy. Rome and Jacobinism — in its old 
forms and in its later purest shaping in Babeuf and Lenin — actually condition one another inwardly. 

The idea of freedom and the recognition of authority possess a completely different character within the present day racially 
spiritual outlook on the world. The idea of folkdom is certainly not only of one race. It is also characterised by factors of a historical and 
spatial kind. However, it is nowhere the consequence of a uniform mixture of elements of different races. A state is always characterised 
by the supreme value, art, culture and style of the dominant race. Adding other races for variety advances nothing and loses much. These 
racial dominants demand the creation of a type. Truly organic freedom is only possible within such a type. This limitation is racially 
conditioned. Race is the outward image of a definite soul. 

With this, the circle is closed. Jewish internationalism of a Marxist or Democratic kind likewise lies outside this true Germanic 
organism. Judaism operates in the same way as Roman authority with its claim to international validity together with all church claims 
to power. 

In the deepest innermost sense, the longing for personality and type is the same. A strong personality has an effect, style forming, 
but the type — regarded metaphysically — is already given before it. Thus, personality is only its purest outward imprint. This eternal 
longing takes on another form in every epoch. 

Around the turn of the 19th century we experienced the appearance of a great number of personalities who, with the blossoming of 
our entire culture, marked that era with an unforgettable stamp. For a long time the era of the machine destroyed personality ideals as 
well as powers, type forming. The milieu, the factory, became master. A concept of mixed causality triumphed over true science and 
philosophy. Marxist sociology — through its mass delusion, quantity doctrine — strangled the concept of quality in research. The stock 
exchange became the idol of the materialistic sickness of the times. 

Nietzsche embodied the despairing cry of millions against the latter. His wild exclamations about the Superman were a violent 
extension of his subjected personal life which had been strangled by the material pressure of the times. Now, at least one man suddenly 
destroyed all values in fanatical rebellion. He raged wildly. A feeling of relief passed through the souls of all searching Europeans. That 
Nietzsche became insane, is symbolic. An enormous blocked up will to creation forged a path like a storm flood. The same will, 
inwardly broken long before, could no longer attain shape. An era, enslaved for generations, understood in its powerlessness only the 
subjective side of the great will and vital experience of Friedrich Nietzsche. It falsified the deepest struggle for personality into a cry for 
the unleashing of all instincts. 

The Red standards then joined the banner of Nietzsche, and the nomadic wandering Marxist preachers — the sort of men whose 
doctrine scarcely anyone else had unmasked with such derision as Nietzsche himself. In his name, racial pollution through Syrians and 
Blacks was sanctified, although Nietzsche, in fact, strove for selective racial breeding. Nietzsche has fallen to the dreams of overheated 
political whores, which is worse than falling into the hands of robbers. The German people heard only of a release from all bonds, 
subjectivism, personality, and nothing about discipline and inward building up. Hear Nietzsche's beautiful words: 

From the future come winds with secret beat of wings, and to sensitive ears comes good news. 

These words represented an apprehension filled with longing in the midst of an insane world in which he, alongside Lagarde and 
Wagner, lived as almost the only ones with foresight. 

This epoch of insanity now is finally dying. The strongest personality today no longer calls for personality, but for type: the folkish, 
earth rooted lifestyle. A new type of German man, rectangular in body and soul, arises. The shaping of this man is the task of the 20th 
century. The true personality of today seeks to shape those features in their best form and to proclaim loudly those ideas which are a part 
of the new, and yet primordial, German type of man; a man who will become free, not from, but for, something! 

type, like subjective personality, is not a schema, type is the time bound plastic form of an eternal racially spiritual content. It is a 
life commandment, not a mechanical law. Such are eternal truths. The will to type is also the will to accept strict formative state 
discipline. Our generation has become rigidly undisciplined and conventional, and it must accept, or be subject to, rigid discipline. 

With the vital experience of the type, that is, with the birth of the recognition of the Myth of our entire history, we witness the birth 
of the Nordic race soul and the inward recognition of its supreme values as the guiding star of our entire existence. 

We would like to observe and affirm that the intangible idea of folkish honour has its roots in the strongest grounds of all, in the 
most material of all reality; in the farmland of a nation, in its living space. 

The idea of honour is inseparable from the idea of freedom. Although one encounters versions of this idea, what is metaphysically 
deepest is undoubtedly the German creed founded by Eckehart, Luther, Goethe and Chamberlain. Their ideas shine so brilliantly for our 
times. In admitting that natural law and freedom are parallel ideas, coexisting necessarily in the human being, we come to the conclusion 
that this puzzle is incapable of solution or explanation. When our exterior is subjected to causal agents, we respond just like other 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 1 7 



organic essences. When stimulations and motives are inside us, when our vision is linked with the will, our being remains untouched and 
untouchable. This is true, however much it may be hindered purely mechanically by outward effects. For this reason alone men dispute 
this inward freedom, but this proves that the will and freedom are present in men. 

The greatest catastrophe of our intellectual life consisted in a sinful shift in the interpretation of the concept of freedom in German 
life, brought about by blood poisoning. This view came increasingly in vogue, as if freedom was synonymous with economic 
individualism. True freedom of research, thought and creativity was destroyed. Vision and will become more and more the servants of 
speculation and impulse. This movement of the new freedom into organic processes necessarily revealed an alienation from nature. 
Abstract and schematic economic and political doctrines no longer listened to the laws of nature, but followed its impulse to isolate the 
individual. Thus a seemingly small perceptively critical displacement has brought enormous material misfortune all over the world. Day 
after day, a merciless nature takes its revenge until it will climax in the coming catastrophe. Then the so called world trade together with 
its artificial, unnatural substructure, will collapse in a world catastrophe. If an external pressure does not need to break a strong 
personality it will at least destroy it mechanically. Such an attitude and pressure can poison a people. This was perpetrated against the 
German people when our leaders failed to provide adequate living space. In the 19th century our arable area became smaller and smaller. 
This was a crime against the still earth linked farmers. The number of landless, propertyless Germans grew. Closely pressed, millions 
pushed into the world cities, and the human flood ever increased. Our directionless leaders called for industrialisation, for export and 
world trade. In their need, they fell under the influence of Syrian conspirators who wished to turn the millions of the propertyless not 
into men hungry for living space, but into the Marxist Jewish revolutionary proletariat. It sought also to incorporate those who still 
owned property. These parasites sought to exploit them through an unattainable will o' the wisp international world peace movement. 
With the theft of the idea of living space, the poisoning of our soul was achieved. The idea of folkish honour suddenly appeared as an 
insubstantial phantom. The prophets of the struggle for space were stamped as imperialist enemies of the people. Our just struggle for 
freedom was falsified, misled by Marxists, in order to end despairingly in the swamp of international communism. 

The truly creative idea of freedom can only fully blossom within the totality of the folk, when our race has air to breathe and land 
for farming. An effective vital honour will therefore only be seen at work in a nation which has sufficient living space at its disposal. 
Where the idea of national honour is elevated, the demand for space will be deeper. For this reason neither Jewry, alien to the soil, nor 
Rome, equally alien to the soil, recognises the idea of honour. More precisely, they do not recognise this idea because there is no longing 
active within them for farmland. It is farmland upon which a strong and happy race scatters its fruit bringing seed. Today, all the 
enemies of Germany attack our honour, and they have also stolen Germany's living space. For these reasons, in the final analysis, the 
metaphysical struggle revolves around the innermost values of character. It signifies a struggle for living space. One strengthens and 
reinforces the other. With sword and plough! For honour and freedom! So runs the battlecry of a generation which wishes to erect a new 
Reich and which seeks standards of value by which it can judge its actions and its fruitful strivings. This battlecry is nationalistic. And 
socialistic! 

Socialism generally describes an ideology which demands the subordination of the individual to the will of a collective, be this 
class, church, state or people. But this fixed idea is completely devoid of content and allows free play to all arbitrary connotations since 
the essential content of the word is ignored. If social activity signifies private enterprise for the purpose of individual salvation from 
spiritual and material collapse, then socialism signifies the safeguarding of the individual essence carried through by a collective, or in 
entire communities, from every exploitation of their work. 

Not every submission of the individual to the command of a collective is socialism, any more than every socialisation signifies state 
control or nationalising. One could regard monopoly as a kind of socialism which is what Marxism does in practice. Through its antilife 
doctrine, Marxism helps socialism to increase so that it concentrates power in a few hands. Such a concentration of power places the so 
called dictatorship of the proletariat in control in the place of rule by the great world exploiters. Fundamentally, this signifies no 
alteration of circumstances. It is only world capitalism under other symbols. For this reason Marxism everywhere marches with 
democratic plutocracy. In the short run capitalism is the stronger. 

If a measure is socialistic, it can be designed to be a preventive or revolutionary — disruptive — kind. What is determinative is 
collective, in whose name it establishes socially economic instruction. The bourgeois parliamentary state legislates thousands of 
socialistic encroachments. It inflicts tragedy by favouring reparations on all enterprises through compulsory mortgages. It regulates tolls, 
loan interest and division of labour. In spite of this it is a class state, whose ruling parties do not pass socialistic measures. Rather, it lays 
its burden upon the entire people. Just as little can Marxism, which carries on its class struggle from below, lay claim to power for itself. 
The millions of people standing under Marxism's triumph are not treated as a totality. To a great degree they are mere objects, exploited 
by the Marxist oriented members of the community. The work state was erroneously used under heretofore existing political conditions. 
The state stands neither in service of the bourgeoisie nor of the Marxist class struggle. Thus, it does not exist at all, however much its 
substitute demands worship. However much confessionalism and this double sided class struggle may strive, neither of them can pass 
and carry out a truly socialistic measure. This can only be done by the representative of a system which is able to grasp the people as an 
organism, which regards the state as a means to their external security and inner peace, to whom the totality nation is thus the measuring 
rod for the individual and smaller collective restricting actions. Out of this thought process, for which the world has finally become ripe, 
we are witnessing the great struggle between nationalism and socialism. 

The old nationalism was manifoldly not sincere. It was a mere cover for large agrarian and industrial, and later, finance capitalist, 
private interests. For this reason, the words, Patriotism is the last refuge of great scoundrels (Doctor Samuel Johnson) could frequently 
be justified. Moreover, Marxism in the guise of social democracy was openly the adherent of plutocracy. The communistic folkish 
destructive ravings against the property values of all nations are making real socialism possible. The result was not a struggle, but an 
equation of real nationalism with real socialism, a synopsis with foundations. Germany has to thank Hitler for fabricating this synthesis. 

A model socialistic measure was the transfer to state ownership of the German Reich Railways (Reichsbahn). As a result, these 
facilities were withdrawn from arbitrary private control. In operational safety this act represented a folkish preserving prerequisite which 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 1 8 



was for the good of every German. Another real socialistic measure was the communalising of the electricity works and of the city water 
supplies, whose services are available to all without difference of class and religious creeds. Socialistic institutions are city mass 
transport, the police, the public libraries, and so on. It is a matter of complete indifference whether these institutions were developed in a 
monarchy or a republic. The monarchy, as the examples of the German Reich railways and the Reichsbank show, was fundamentally 
more socialistic than the Weimar republic which, after the signing of the Dawes dictate and other documented subjugations, brought 
much — bank and the railroad included — completely under the control of private — even foreign — financiers. 

The struggle for existence and private welfare — often, a clever symbiosis — determine human public life. The first is a process of 
natural selection. The second is a purely human one established through deep, noble Christian good will toward one's neighbour. Both 
factors left on their own would signify the death of every culture, of every real folkish state. Therefore, there exists no natural, and just 
as little no Christian, idea of state. The real state of Germanic conception consists in that struggle for influence which is linked to 
definite prerequisites, allowing it to develop only under the rule of character values. Modern economic individualism as a principle of 
state therefore signifies the equating of a successful swindler with a man of honour. And so, after 1918, the usurper triumphed 
everywhere. Caritas for its part — as the alms of a dictator to oppressed millions, or as a personal act of good will — heals no wounds. It 
merely covers pustulent sores. It is the counterpiece to unrestricted exploitation. Occasionally, the greatest swindler even builds 
hospitals for his victims whom he has plundered over decades. He then has himself celebrated as a philanthropist by his newspapers. 

Thus whoever wishes to be a nationalist today, must also be a socialist. The socialist of the field grey front of 1914-1918 wishes to 
have his life in the state. Without the state, Marxism will never be overcome and international capitalism will also never be made 
harmless. For these reasons it is understandable that a real socialistic measure — to be interpreted as such from its consequences — will be 
neutral toward the idea of private property. It will recognise it where it ensures a security for the whole, and will restrict it where it 
conceals dangers. For this reason, for example, the demand for state ownership of the railways and for personal real estate are both 
socialistic and nationalistic demands. Both serve the economically oppressed, in order to provide them with the prerequisite for cultural 
and state creations. 

Therefore, from this standpoint, a completely different kind of light will shine upon many expressions of life which will benefit 
broad layers of the folk. 

We can directly follow the connection on the one hand between individualism and economic universalism during the past 100 years 
in the political domain and, on the other hand, in the democratic and Marxist movements. The latter started out to establish the happiness 
of the individual and, at the same time, it proclaimed a culture of mankind which aimed at a pan Europe. In the final analysis it seeks a 
world republic, whether it be a republic of the men of the stock exchange or a dictatorship of the proletariat. The latter would become a 
protective form of dictatorship headed by the world bourse. The Dawes Plan and the Young Plan are both symbols of this combination 
of universalism with bloodless individualism. The result is that only reciprocal actions are recognised as organic between ego 
(individual) and society, between individual and nation. In this concept of society, of a humanly organised one, the organically, blood 
linked bond is included for us through character values and ideals. Out of this fundamental outlook has grown an entire new system of 
ideas and state based on the recognition that it is not an abstract individualism, abstract universalism or abstract socialism falling down 
out of the clouds, so to speak, which forms people, but conversely, that healthy, blood conditioned peoples do not recognise 
individualism or universalism as a measuring rod. Individualism and universalism are, regarded fundamentally and historically, the 
world outlooks of decadence; in the best cases they create an unfortunate man who is split apart by certain circumstances and who flees 
to a last rigid dogma in order to escape from an internal collapse. 

From this entire experience of a new birth, from the recognition of primal eternal values and from the new version of the organic 
contrasts, there suddenly emerges for us a radiant bright light. We find this if we survey the development of the last historical epochs. 
We see, if this important point is singled out again, two great movements — nationalism and socialism — struggling with one another 
through the entire 19th century into the 20th. 

The fact is that at the basis of both of them there is an organically healthy core. This organically healthy drive, which necessarily 
lies, completely irrespective of what men and system may have gained, in the mastery of these forces, will end the dispositions of 
thought during the course of time. We see the old German Nationalism after its upsurge in the Wars of Liberation — after its deepest 
foundation through Fichte, and its explosive appearance through Blucher, Freiherrn von Stein and Ernest Moritz Arndt, and embodied in 
its military power by Scharnhorst and Gneisenau — pass over into the hands of an inwardly outlived but organisationally still strong 
generation such as was represented most acutely of all by the Metternich system. The flourishing, upward surge of nationalism thus 
passed immediately after its origin into a fateful bond with dynasticism. 

The value of the king or Kaiser as an institution had stood higher than the entire people. We see a court economy become great 
which would earlier had to have collapsed if the powerful strength of Bismarck had not undertaken to weld together monarchy and 
nation into a block under a dynastic leadership. But while King Frederick the Great embodied this unity even in the gravest days of 
destiny, his successor, Kaiser Wilhelm II, had already lost this faith when he declared that he wished to spare his people a civil war and 
crossed over the frontier. As a result, he released the dynastic concept from the folkish totality and, on November 9th, 1918, the dynastic 
ideas of state collapsed. Soon all conscious German Nationalist circles came to realise the days of kingship were over. 

German Nationalism of the 19th century was also closely linked with liberal democracy. The strength of that system increased with 
the growth of industrial trusts, more world trade, the wholesalers and the world banks. The economic interests of these trusts were 
frequently represented as national interests. Thus, for example, the German Bank and its profits in Turkey were falsely presented as 
folkish interests of the German Reich. During the war we concluded that the war effort of the nation, which had been spearheaded by the 
cry that the ground and soil which had been conquered by the German folkish army should now become German possession, had been 
betrayed. For many years there had been talk about the ore mines of Briey and Longwy. The interests of industry and profit were places 
above the interests of the entire nation. Today, German Nationalism dies from this unnatural union. It had stood order and rank on its 
head. Only a new vitality can create a new nationalism. It must link itself consciously and unconsciously with all previous Germanic 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 1 9 



struggles for freedom, and, above all, with the unconditional greatness of those men who, in 1813, led Germany out of the depths. 

In exactly the same way as the nationalism of the 19th century was poisoned by Marxist Liberal forces, so has this also been the 
case with socialism. We established, in the preceding passages, that socialism is a measure of state carried through for the protection of 
the entire people from all exploitation, and further, it offers a measure of state protection of the individual from private lust for profit. 
However, here it is not only a matter of a formal action in itself. An act becomes socialistic only in relation to its outward effect. For this 
reason it is possible that a socialistic action does not bring with it, as was likewise established, a formal state nationalisation, as it can, on 
the contrary, even signify a personification, a liberation of individual forces if this liberation brings with it a strengthening of the totality. 

When Bismarck was attacked from the conservative side as a socialist, he declared that the concept of socialism did not terrify him 
in certain circumstances. He socialised the railways and he recalled the act of emancipation of the peasants by Reichsfreiherr von Stein, 
which likewise represented a socialistic measure. Here, our own view is in the deepest accord with that of Bismarck. The act of the 
Reichsfreiherr von Stein signified the liberation of hundreds of thousands of peasants from a monstrously oppressive rule. Through this 
liberation of the creative forces, the welfare and character of the people were elevated. This act by the Reichsfreiherr von Stein remains 
until today one of the greatest milestones in the history of German socialist freedom. 

Our new idea places folk and race higher than the existing state and its forms. It declares protection of the people to be more 
important than protection of a religious creed, a class, of the monarchy or the republic. It sees in betrayal of the people a greater betrayal 
than high treason. As a result, the German renewal movement lays claim to the same freedom as Rome when confronting the formal 
state. It sees the opponent of the state who, suffering for his people and their honour, goes to prison and jail, not as a criminal but as a 
nobleman. It recognises no inner obligation toward a structure. No struggle is illegal for us if it proceeds against the members of a 
doctrine politically falsifying true religion, which could proclaim betrayal of the country as its fundamental faith. An unjust struggle is a 
struggle against folk comrades. Deadly enemies of a German people and of a coming German state are therefore those forces which 
make religious creed or class into a declaration of war on fellow members of the German people. 

A retreat from or a struggle against the state in itself can, occasionally, bear a justified antinational stamp when it is in fact led by 
masterful racially conscious characters and not by slavish natures under whom the rights to ownership of the soil has been preempted. 
We witnessed this for 14 years, when the moneyed democratic rabble, after the expropriation of mobile property, also stretched out its 
hand against immovable property and indirectly robbed farmers and estate owners through mortgages, market anarchy, and so on. 
Bismarck once said that a state which took away his property from him was no longer his Fatherland. This was the assertion of a master. 
Motivated by similar feelings, Germans, robbed of soil, migrated to all parts of the world to acquire property. The ultimate turning away 
from the ancient homeland which occurred rested on the new bond with property acquired by struggle. But the cry property is theft was 
the battle cry of an uncreative slavish nature. It was no wonder that the Syrian Marx took up this cry and placed it at the head of his 
desolate teaching. However, everywhere that Marxism became dominant, it was unmasked as false. The greed for property has appeared 
particularly with its extremists. Therefore, in face of the earlier theft from the people, the battle cry for all proletarians ran: Creation of 
new property, struggle for new living space. 

The new Reich requires from each German in public life not an oath to a state form, but an oath to recognise German national 
honour according to his power and capacity. This honour must become the supreme value for each German. If an official cannot provide 
such an oath, then he necessarily loses all rights to occupy a public post. This right of citizenship, which hitherto everyone received as a 
gift upon his 21st birthday, must be acquired by effort in a new state — an idea which the National Socialist program already represents. 
Citizenship can be acquired through blameless conduct in educational institutions and in practical life. A German who offends the 
honour of the nation abandons his claim to receive rights of any kind from this people. Men who for reasons of conflict of conscience 
are unable to make an oath to the German people will not be persecuted by the state. But it is self evident that, as a result, they must lose 
any claim to the rights of state citizenship. Therefore, they may not become teachers, preachers, judges, soldiers, and so on. 

The liberal ideology — as a consequence of its folkish hostile absence of barriers — introduced the idea that by the doctrine of 
freedom of mind and the doctrine of equal rights for all, activity of a political and instructive nature was interpreted completely without 
any relation to a shaping centre. Therefore equal rights were allowed not only to a fighter against the state form but, beyond this, to an 
agitator against the folkdom. The latter had the same rights as one who had risked his life a hundred times in the trenches. The 
intellectualising liberal bastard even regarded it as particularly humane to cultivate international world ideas while arrogantly deriding 
every expression of the rights of his own people. It is self evident that chaos must follow. 

It is also self evident that there will always be and must exist very different personalities and groups within a people. A people of 
brothers is Utopian and not at all beautiful. Complete brotherhood signifies the levelling out of all grades of value, of all tensions, of all 
dynamics of life. Struggle remains the life producing spark. But all these ideals should be reflected within one ideal. They must be tested 
as to their value on a measure of value, namely, to ascertain if the ideas preached and the measures demanded are suited to ennoble and 
to strengthen the German folkhood, to strengthen the race, to elevate the consciousness of the nation's honour. Political parties, which 
base their activity upon international class solidarity or international church interests, can be strengthened, but they have no justification 
in a German state. The activity of such folkish hostile parties in the past as well as in the present has eaten away at and lacerated the soul 
of Germans. On the one side, the adherents of Marxism and of the centre still remained German, while on the other, they had to 
recognise values found outside of Germany as their highest values. The problem of the coming Reich as fulfilment of a German longing 
thus consists in preaching a new world view to these tormented, falsely led millions, to present to them — on the basis of this new 
Myth — a new supreme value. 

The new world view will purify the value of the folkhood and national honour which have slept within the dross of centuries. The 
new idea will accept the whole of life in its symbol. Only when this has occurred can a German Reich arise. Otherwise, all promises are 
empty. 

The state apparatus can only carry through its work of typifying of the people in an imperfect manner. State laws can only be of a 
rounding off or restricting, not of a vital, nature. The state can and must, for example, suppress a Bolshevist Fatherlandless party. But it 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 20 



can only do that in the long run if a strong life renewing will and creative social labour stand behind it. A consciously built up league of 
men will have to carry through this work. 

Since 1933 we have known with what aid of what forces the unstate of November, 1918 has been replaced by a German one. We 
have known for years the man who would raise high a new banner on the towers of German cities. We know, and today finally 
experience, the powers of the race soul awaken from deep sleep, which this man had to carry by necessity. It is the task of this founder 
of the new state to shape a league of men, let us say, a German Order, which is composed of personalities who have had a leading 
participation in the renewal of the German people. 

The members of this German Order will be appointed by the first head of state after the foundation of the new Reich, from all strata 
of the people. A precondition of this are achievements in the service of the folkdom, irrespective of domain. The council of the 
appointed German Order will, in this manner, be replenished by new appointments upon the death of a member. The supreme head of 
the state — President, Kaiser or King (we say the Leader) determines his successor for the ruling council of the German Order. In this 
technical aspect a pattern is provided by the organisation of the Roman church as a continuation of the ancient Nordic Roman Senate. As 
a result, on the one side, the folkish serving forces of the council of the German Order rise from all strata of the nation, upward by way 
of city and district associations, in each case conditioned through outstanding personal achievements. The connection between folk and 
leadership thus remains preserved. A castelike apartness, such as appeared after 1871, will be avoided. On the other side, however, the 
boundless democracy and demagoguery which are always linked with it will be removed and replaced by the Council of the best. 

Admittedly, a hereditary monarchy occasions the wearer of the crown to balance, even out of self interest, the interests of the people 
to his home policy. Nevertheless, the danger of the decay of a dynasty remains in every generation. As a result, a kind of Byzantinism 
would appear, without the office of king being represented in a dignified way. As a consequence of these conditions there ensues the 
opposite of consistency in state life. This, of course, was always the goal of a hereditary monarchy. The degeneration of the monarchy 
brings unrest and revolution. 

Today the people can only rarely see a great man directly. To achieve this, catastrophes are necessary. Following a crisis, one breaks 
out of a shell and struggles forth. Therefore in ordinary life, the choice of President or King, as chosen directly by 70 million, is only 
determined by money bags. It follows from this that in 99 out of 100 cases no real folkish Leader arrives at the head. Therefore, in the 
coming first German folkish state, there must finally be a break with this deceitful democratic demand. Democracy spawns only as a tool 
of capitalism and the moneyed classes. 

It also follows that a true parliamentary government may come into existence through the intoxication of the masses. Such is the 
case in the immoral Democratic parliamentary systems. Beyond the borders of the village community, of the medium sized town, the 
average man loses sight of any measuring rod for his judgements. It is self evident that he is then able to evaluate a personality as to its 
value only if he is in a position to judge the latter' s effect on the spot. This is impossible where party groups influence the elections of 
mostly unknown men. It therefore follows that in democracies, party lists, not personalities, are decisive in the elections. 

For this reason in a German Reich of the kind we long for, the present form of election must gradually give way to the principle of 
appointment of responsible leaders through the Leader by folk and state. Those appointed to the highest posts will then appoint those in 
the lesser posts. As a result every group will be considered in relationship to the whole in the manner appropriate to it. In this respect, 
freely creative activity can appear and be provided for without divisive separatist outbreaks. 

The Wehrmacht must be given special consideration in this total structure. It must admittedly hold itself aloof from all party 
political conflicts, but its political alienation, such as capitalist and democratic journalists strove for, must cease once and for all in the 
coming Reich. The army is not there merely to be pushed wordlessly into the battlefield. Also it was not created so that it could be 
betrayed and disarmed by cowardly Pacifist Democrats who operate in name of the state. The frightful experiences of the world war 
stand before us here as an admonishing example for all times. They must never be repeated again. This has been ensured through the 
successful personal union of Leader, Reich Chancellor and Supreme Commander of the Wehrmacht. 

Bismarck described the secret ballot as un Germanic. So it is. Through this anonymity the cowardice of the individual is recognised 
as a mode of thought. Among other things, the feeling of responsibility is deliberately undermined. Applied to an entire people, it 
signifies the cultivation of spiritual vagabondage. Human feelings, however, will be unavoidable even in the best state. A rejected 
candidate will only too easily hold as an enemy anyone who rejects him out of purely objective reasons. Such would be unsuitable and 
bring about many undesirable difficulties as a consequence. It is something different when it is not a matter of the usual elections but of 
great questions of destiny affecting every German. Here there will not be an appeal to impossible judgements in individual technical 
matters, but to the instincts, to the folkish character itself. In such cases the Leader has, after 1933, already frequently called up this now 
awakened will to self preservation. These pronouncements have also given him further strength. 

The future Germany must reveal in what form this grave problem of the connection between authority and the will of the folk can 
henceforth be handled. See, in this connection, my address, The German state order, in Blood and honour (Munchen, 1934). 

Under the sign of the old parliamentarianism every individual member was less responsible for his actions and behaviour than an 
absolute monarch. A parliamentary cabinet referred in its decisions to the celebrated principle of majority government. If a political 
program is successful, then the parliamentary minister is a great man. If it fails, then the minister concerned, at least in the most extreme 
cases, withdraws without having to be held responsible. This fact encourages the most unscrupulous parliamentarians in accordance with 
their nature to recommend themselves anew as ministers. This would not be the case if any real responsibility existed, as is presupposed 
as self evident with an army leader. The parliamentary minority cultivated through this honourless system naturally describes this 
condition as an expression of the familiar progressive spirit. In reality, it is a shabby, bestial product of the cowardice of the majority 
which wishes to insolently sit in judgement over each and all, but which crawls irresponsibly behind the mass of parliamentary 
members. The parliamentarian is not even to be called to give an account before his electors. He is elected by the entire people, as the 
language of the democratic Marxist swindler runs. Thus, a firmly outlined circle of electors is not legally established. These things 
would change if the ministers at fault could be called to account by the head of the Reich before a political court in the same way as a 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 2 1 



defeated general before a court martial. Then ministerial rivalry would become significantly rarer, and only really responsible men 
would strive for those positions. Under the democracy of 1918 even the most ordinary subjects could squint with the fullest prospects of 
success and nonpunishments for failures and betrayals. 

These thought processes have as a goal the conquest of a dogma. Such dogma is today worshipped by all like a golden calf. This 
dogma is the unrestricted freedom of movement. Today, one sees a folkish murdering stream flowing away from the land and the rural 
areas to the great cities. The latter swell in size, unnerve the folkdom, destroy the threads which link men with Nature, entice 
adventurers and business speculators of all shades, and promote racial chaos. From the city, as the centre of a civilisation, a system of 
advanced posts for Bolshevist decline has grown within the world cities. Unnatural, witless, cowardly intellectuality links itself with the 
brutal, typeless rebellious fury of bastardised slaves. The enslaved who are still of good race and folkish strata fight on false fronts — led 
by Marxism — for their freedom. 

Spengler prophesied cities with 20 million inhabitants and an impoverished countryside. Such was to be our fate. Rathenau 
described stony deserts and the wretched inhabitants of German cities as the future, who would provide mercenary services for powerful 
foreign countries. The motivations of these men were certainly different. But together they inculcate into the German people the idea of 
the impossibility of change. Subject to destiny, this is the name of the new expression for weakness of will or cowardice; but it has even 
become the words of solution from those political criminals who wish to manoeuvre our people into the misery of a Fellahinlike final 
condition! This is ensured according to plan by the press of international Marxism. These Reds unite a willless herd of millions behind 
them as the faithful retinue, as a mass ready for revolution. Weak willed philosophers thus provide the enemies of the people with the 
ideological foundation, in order to perfect a long prepared work of destruction. That Spengler, in spite of this, preached power, power, 
power, merely shows a lack of logic. 

At bottom of all these oracular cries about the irreversibility of development lies the un German, coercive dogma of unrestricted 
freedom of movement as a guarantee of personal freedom. But this apparently unshakeable doctrine is a problem of will. The rejection in 
principle of the right to freedom of movement signifies a prerequisite for our entire future life. It must therefore be established even if 
such a claim to power is felt by millions at first to be a grave damaging of personality. There remains only one choice. One must perish 
miserably on the asphalt, or he must seek to regain health on the land or in a medium sized city. This choice has already been made in 
the sense of elimination of freedom of movement. At first there will be considerable resistance in the hearts of many. 

All joint stock companies, cartels, and so on, need not be concentrated in two or three cities. They need not take over the entire 
apparatus of government. It is not true that more and more new factories must arise in Berlin in order to tie new hundreds of thousands 
there. It is false that supply and demand, as is often said, must rule life. The task of a real folkish state consists in directing the values 
and establishing an order of forces that are today controlled by others. 

The capital city with its glitter, its cinemas and stores, its stock exchange, and its night cafes, hypnotises the land. Under the sign of 
freedom of movement, the best blood streams unhindered into the blood poisoning capital city. Our farmers seek work. They found 
businesses. They earn cash beyond their dreams. The mania of immigration reinforces anew. This disastrous cycle can only be solved by 
a strictly handled blocking of increases in population. 

Salvation does not lie in the building of dwellings in the capital city for which there is so great a call. This actually promotes 
decline. We find salvation in the elimination of the liberal folkish destructive freedom of movement. Immigration without approval into 
cities of over a hundred thousand inhabitants must be unconditionally banned in the future. Money for new dwellings can only be 
approved in urgent cases for such cities. This money is best distributed instead among the smaller towns. New factories may then be 
erected in cities of approximately a hundred thousand inhabitants if the object of exploitation lies on the spot, for example, newly 
discovered coal stocks, salt deposits, and so on. Present day transport possibilities shape the distribution of forces. Decentralisation must 
occur in the whole of economic life. Not only will it not damage our economy but it will strengthen it. This can be accomplished through 
our racial strength and folkish health alone. We can succeed by applying our most important capital which we possess generally. 

In the United states, the concentration of capital has proceeded at a most rapid tempo. Giant grain mills and mammoth slaughter 
houses to which raw materials stream from over the whole land overburden the railway network. Freight costs increase the price of 
ready made goods. These problems could have been avoided by the erection of fewer large centres from the start. 

Ford, for example, rightly demanded that cotton mills should not be built in the capital cities, but laid out in the neighbourhood of 
the cotton fields themselves. An unrestricted development of human freedom of movement and of storage of goods defeats in its own 
object. The protests increase which, without yet risking change to the insane dogma of freedom of movement, nevertheless soberly 
recognise the natural necessity of decentralisation. Out of purely economic reflections they arrived at the same conclusions that I do 
from the idea of racial protection. 

The farmer, who is still the greatest producer today, is not simultaneously the greatest purchaser. He is dependent on those 
intermediary stages which process his products before they arrive on the market. He cannot change them on the spot into ready goods, 
but must burden the transport system with raw materials. This fateful development attempts to uproot the farmer stock, the strongest 
support of every people, a stock that never dies (Chamberlain). This trend has been consciously protected by democracy and by 
Marxism in order to enlarge in this way the proletarian host. A true folkish policy must proceed in exactly the opposite way. The 
deproletarianisation of our nation — and of every other — is conceivable only through the conscious demolition of our great cities and the 
foundation of new centres. To speak of bringing a sedentary life and nationalisation in the midst of giant heaps of stone, is insanity. 

An unusual American idea, salvation with the aid of the automobile, has been attempted in the United states of America. It manages 
only to squander power and lose time. The millions who daily travel into New York from outside and who are spewed out again in the 
evening, overload transport and make the whole of life more expensive than would have been the case through a strict damming up and 
guiding of the human flood. In place of perhaps a hundred large folkish poisoning centres, ten thousand culture promoting ones could be 
created if strong willed heads had determined our destiny instead of Marxism and Liberalism. 

In terms of draughtsmanship, our life proceeds today upon only one line: backward and forward. In the future it must rotate around 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 22 



organically established centre points. If the number of inhabitants of a city approaches the figure of a hundred thousand, then an outlet 
must be looked for. New settlers must be directed to smaller places or settled upon the land. They must not be permitted to live in the 
cellars of our cities, as democracy encourages. 

It must not be assumed that we are still left with choices. One needs only to look at the troubles of New York, which touch upon the 
very vital nerves, to know at once that all is at stake. In order to control the ever increasing traffic a giant staff of architects and 
technicians are working day and night. Things have now gone so far that the erection of multilevel streets has been proposed. Roads for 
cars have to be laid under the houses and pedestrian stairways arranged above these in passages. Bridges must span one side of the street 
to another. An entire complex of stairs, passageways and permanently artificially lighted thoroughfares, is planned. The new American 
three zone law allows a higher development of houses. New designs surpass anything known before, as we see in the work of architects 
like H. Ferris, R. Hood, M. Rusell and Crosell. The aim of all these technical efforts, which reveal perfect freedom of movement as the 
foundation of their world view, is a heap of mammoth stone pyramids in which all human life must become desolate, rigid, and must 
finally perish. Such a foundation for a world view must be cleared away. Only then will the path be clear for the surpassing of 
technology through technology itself. The great city created ease of transport. It must die from this ease of movement if we do not wish 
to perish racially and spiritually. The Polis created Greek culture. The small town, the middle sized city made every folkish civilisation 
in Europe. The expanding vision of the former individual peasant grasped the idea of a state, without losing itself into infinity. In this 
alone could an organic cultural structure arise. 

The ease of communication, the press (if decently directed), the radio, and personal observation, make possible to every grownup 
today the judgement of the things of a city, provided that the number of inhabitants does not go much beyond a hundred thousand. The 
citizen is in a position to correct reports coming from outside through his own observations. The activity of communal politicians in 
relation to the good of the state must correspond to the daily concerns of the industrial worker and to the worker in all professions. The 
way also stands open for the real judgement of achievements. In such communal elections we create the possibility of a preliminary 
election. Broad masses of the people can choose among personalities and need not rely upon lists. Candidates will be proposed by 
guilds, associations and by the German Order through its local representatives. As a result, the electors of parliament will rest upon a 
broad folkish foundation, not upon a nameless mass. The voting rights of women will also remain in communal elections. A folkish will, 
adapted to visible personalities and coming from below, will thus meet the ruling will from above. Absolute monarchy knew only the 
direction from above to below. Chaotic democracy only knew mass stagnation from below. The German city of the future, realised 
through the act of power of individuals, will not subject the type creating personalities to any election mood and moneyed deceit. It will 
maintain them under the state director in power, and it will renew them again and again through education, bringing them German order. 
Through the election process outlined, an unhindered method of advancement will be offered to creative personalities. The coming 
Reich is thus, as elaborated, Nationalist and Socialist. This means that it is not founded on mere votes, but on type welding passion and 
racially linked mankind. Nationalism in the most passionate form is the prerequisite and final goal of action. Socialism is state 
safeguarding of the individual under the mark of recognition of his individual honour and in favour of racial protection. 

Restrictions have to be made in order to overcome the folkish murdering capital city. Simultaneously, efforts must be made to 
abolish the city in itself, in order to divide up Germany into small cities and towns. There are those who would have no cities larger than 
12,000 inhabitants. Those who hold for such an enticing view are poor students of history. This is a visionless, if principled, position. In 
order to become a totality, eighty million people need nodal points of life, large enough to provide many strong personalities with 
sufficient intellectual air to breathe, but also sufficiently restricted in shaping as not to perish in the chaos of the many millions who are 
concentrated together and yet splintered. Culture only forms itself in the town; only the town can provide a focal point of conscious 
national life, collect existing energies, adapting to the whole and making that political world vision possible, which Germany in 
particular, open as a state to so many directions, needs more than all others. Several centres up to 500,000 and many up to 100,000 are 
thus a spiritual necessity. It is quite possible to go too far in pursuit of reasonable decentralisation. 

Completely apart from the conscious renunciation of liberal freedom, it is the compulsive military political situation itself which 
compels us to abandon the large cities. Future wars will be strongly determined by air fleets. The aim of gas and fire bombs will always 
be the great cities. The more scattered factories and cities are, the less the danger of damage from air attacks. Destiny compels today, as 
in earlier times, that the entire people must take part in battle, or its existence. Earlier, the lord in his castle built a wall around his 
citizens' houses and the inhabitants, which as a totality had to participate in all battles. The liberal epoch trained professional armies. 
The burghers were defended by the soldiers, although, at the same time, they arrogantly cursed militarism. This false idyll is over. 
Technology which had once drawn a steel wall around an entire state, has broken through again and restored the age old organic 
relationship between people and war. As a result, world view and destiny commend in common the demolition of the great cities and the 
erection of towns and roads according to strategic viewpoints. If in the past castles were defiantly built upon mountain heights, today 
everything important must be concealed under the earth in concrete casements. An entire city of skyscrapers becomes insanity. This 
recognition will also compel definite state architectural conclusions. 

Those are some basic outlines of the new state political systems, as they result of themselves from the supreme values of our people. 
Other measures which are beyond the scope of this book and which are of a purely technical nature are dictated by these considerations. 

Future generations will consider it insane that the state could be regarded as an arena for unplanned movement of peoples. By the 
same token, we will just as all others regard the demands of political liberalism as insane. 

None of us knows if the coming Reich will adorn itself in the garb of Kaiserism, of kingship, or of a republic. We cannot sense in 
advance all the individual features of this future form. The old Imperial crowns have rolled in the dust. The Republic arose from actions 
of which Germans will be ashamed for a thousand years. Only the ancient Germanic idea of kingship has — so it appears — preserved its 
mythic glitter through to the present. It formed the organic backbone at a time when the Roman Emperorship expanded boundlessly all 
over the world. It formed the basis of the new Reich founded in 1 87 1 . Kindred feeling still cultivates its idea even today. The 23 
dynasties have fallen; they cannot return unless Germany is to fall anew into fearful internal discord. The Lander (states) must close 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 23 



their own state parliaments (Landtage), and each one broaden its honourable ideas of dynastic royalty. The idea of IMPERIVM adheres 
to the old Imperial concept. Pomp and power are its sole content. The idea of a king is more inward, earth linked. The simple Bavarian 
thinks of his king in just as lively a manner as the true Prussian. The Kaiser was for the people an abstraction who held office by god's 
grace. We are more than sick of the operettalike behaviour of the times prior to 1914; but we are really disgusted at the spiritual 
impoverishment, linked with the fawning upstarts of democracy. In fact, we wish to see in a German king a man like ourselves who is 
also the embodiment of an heroic Myth. Just as in place of the glittering spiked helmet, the grey steel helmet appeared in the storm of 
battles, so will the future also find the form of a German National Socialist folkish leadership through the birth of a state based upon 
order of rank as the embodied longing of the present generation for the coming Reich, as fulfilment of the sacrifice of those two millions 
who gave their lives for Germany. 

From the one demand to place the folkish honour and racial protection into the centre of organic state life, a world picture results 
which differs from the chaos of the 19th century, like day from night. From the dishonourable trader ideal arose the blood red world war, 
world revolts, followed by the vilest bloodsucking of the peoples. The 19th century gave birth to Bolshevism as its fullest fruit, the most 
devastating pestilence of Oriental spirit since the Inquisition spread its poisonous clouds over Europe. From the one inner transformation 
the dream vision of a new state arises clearly drawn in all its great outlines. Already millions today experience a new longing for type 
and law, earth linked and borne by honour. The way is clear. To draw a clear track is the task of eternal pulsating, progressive life. 
Meister Eckehart said: 

It is the deepest wells which carry the highest water. 

In 1918 the German people through its own guilt fell into the deepest abysses, and for the length of fifteen years was punished and 
tortured by its internal and external enemies in a most undignified manner. Nevertheless forces have been rediscovered which arrived 
from the depths of life. Newly discovered here, the eternal primal wellsprings of the German peoples find strength. And now, ready for 
battle, they carry these experiences and perceptions through the misery of the time. What the 19th century in bourgeois avariciousness, 
criminal Marxist insanity, and broadest lack of ideas violated, the present 20th century has to make good again in the midst of a hostile 
world, such as Germany has never before faced in such concentrated power. 

Therefore the new teaching of life is no soft sermon, but a hard and austere demand, for we know that the doctrine of humanity 
attempted to counteract the natural process of selection, and that Nature, as a result, avenged herself, so that it will one day smash to 
pieces all these democratic and other attempts. The essence of German renewal therefore consists in fitting oneself into the eternal, 
natural, aristocratic laws of the blood and not in the promotion of the selection of the weak. On the contrary, through the practice of 
conscious selection guided by the strength of will, we can produce what is creative. We can do this without looking back at what 
remains behind. 

Today we seek, in looking over the German past — for example, if we walk through Dinkelsbuhl or Rothenburg — a self contained 
picture of Germanic culture which appears before us. It is a picture of unequalled creative strength and defensive capacity. We know that 
the Thirty Years War destroyed a feeling of life forever. The 17th and 18th centuries lie in between like deep abysses. Only with the 
strengthening of the Prussian state has a completely new life begun to arrive again. In the wars of liberation of 1813 and in its men we 
saw the concept arise of a new German who shaped life. We men of today link ourselves to the leaders of this war of liberation, to the 
first founders of a new idea of state and to a new feeling of life. 

We think of the great Freiherrn von Stein, who recognised only one Fatherland whose name was Germany. It was he who declared: 

At this moment of great development, we are completely indifferent to dynasties. They are merely tools. It is my wish that Germany 
become great and strong, in order to again obtain its independence and nationality and to assert both of these in its position between 
France and Russia. Old, collapsed and rotten forms cannot be preserved on the way. 

Chapter IV. Nordic German Law 

With the falsification of the honour conscious Nordic idea of law by Roman Syrian influences, we find one of the greatest causes of 
world discord. The purely private capitalistic Roman idea, sanctified in the hands of unrestricted state idolatry, irrespective of whether 
embodied through monarchy or republic, is the crusade of robbery by a small human group. These men were skilled in slipping through 
the meshes of a purely formal conformity to a code of law. Intellectual desolation was a result necessarily highly cultivated and the law 
protected it. A sullen protest from oppressed millions was falsified through Marxism. However, it was more than justified because of the 
existing disregard for all German concepts of law. For this the state and church bore equal guilt. Because it possessed absolute power, 
the state passed so called social laws. However, this was not done in the name of folkish honour, of justice and duty, it was given as a 
gift from above, from renowned Christian love, grace, from pity and mercy. This was neither good nor just. However, many who 
blissfully gaze back at prewartimes wish to assert this to us. It was, in fact, far more the continued rejection of our folkdom. Such was 
the basic principle of all varieties of Liberalism. 

What the liberalising monarchs had begun was completed by Marxism in all its shades. Despite its apparent struggles against 
capitalist democracy, Marxism nevertheless originated from the same materialistic outlook on the world as Liberalism. Never before has 
such a dishonourable law reigned in such a way as when money in itself became an unrestricted ruler. Law arose, disregarding its 
metaphysical anchoring, everywhere from self help. At first it emerged as a naked struggle for possibilities of existence. Then it 
appeared as a preservation of outward freedom. Then it became a source of fixed character values. The attack on the honour of the 
individual became the starting point of a legally recognised, personal defence. This self help was then extended to the preservation of the 
interests and honour of the clan. Only gradually did greater unions appear such as church and state. Self help was placed in the service of 
the community as embodied in bishops or kings in universal courts. According to its Germanic interpretation, this intervention into 
individual life only has justification in so far as it represents a protection of honour. The church has rejected this primal idea of the 
Nordic west or only recognised it partially and unwillingly. Today, our valid laws recognise only the so called preservation of justified 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 24 



interests. It is a matter of indifference whether these interests are of an honourable or disreputable kind. A natural step from the 
protection of the honour of the individual to protection of the clan would have been the announcement of the protection of the honour of 
the people. But here we stand before a truly frightful allegory of decay of character. It began long ago but only today has it become so 
openly public. In the whole of German law there was not a single rule among thousands which made insults to our honour a punishable 
offence. Thus the name and respect of the German people could be insulted by all who wish to do so. Berlin Jews called the Germania — 
the symbol of Germany — a whore, the entire folk the eternal Boche, and all of us a nation of official corpses, voting cattle and murderers 

No state attorney before 1933 lifted so much as a little finger to prosecute these people. On the contrary, men who expose these Jews 

as scoundrels were ruthlessly punished on account of the insult to the Jews. 

From this state of affairs emerged everything that was grotesque and insane. These are the characteristics in which our time is so 
rich. Notorious traitors were not punished with severe jail sentences, not even with imprisonment. At the worst, they were given 
honorary detention. The pacifist mentality was openly cited by German courts as a grounds for clemency. Meanwhile men, who were 
covered with a hundred wounds and who had endured times of hard battles, were condemned to death as Feme murderers or given 
lifelong imprisonment. The destroyer of the folk was thus granted all honour and the fighter for the folk was hunted to be robbed of all 
honour. A soulless Justice can arrive at such fearful results because it lacks every measuring rod in relation to the interest and honour of 
the people. 

A Germanic interpretation of law has granted every member of the people the right to express with word and deed the honour of the 
nation. We also permit self help action if circumstances do not allow for the operation of the courts. To favour national traitors of 
pacifist outlook as grounds for clemency means to declare the coward to have equal rights with the brave man. It is therefore only too 
justified to make the following demand: 

Every German and non German living in Germany who through word, writing and action makes himself guilty of insulting the 
German people will, depending upon the gravity of the case, be punished with imprisonment, jail, or death. 

A German who commits the aforementioned offence outside the Reich boundaries shall, in the event that he does not place himself 
before the German court, be declared to be without honour. He shall lose all rights of state citizenship. He will be expelled from the 
country forever and declared under banishment. His property will be confiscated in favour of the state. 

In the treatment of an idea of law lies perhaps the strongest type forming, but also type destroying, power. If outlooks of a 
philosophical or religious nature are often remote from life, then daily existence demands continuous practical cultivation of the 
regulating law. The civic conduct and the style of thinking will be determined, formed or disintegrated always according to a supreme 
value of a people, a state or of another representation of law. The idea of honour and loyalty was the basic feature of Germanic Nordic 
law which has also always been operative outside Germany as folkish and state building. The idea of Roman law safeguarded the 
character of capitalistic times. It was adapted to what was personal. The honourless character of Jewry, embodied in the Talmud and the 
Schulchan Aruch, always formed the disintegrating element wherever the Jew could become a legal representative. The fact remains 
that, among our lawyers, an enormous number of Jews was at work. In fact, they operated successfully, and that alone proves to every 
deep thinking person that we had been robbed of German law. 

I have alluded from the beginning to the knightly concept of honour. It confronts us in all legal documents of Germanic men through 
all times as the eternal Myth of the Nordic race soul. The capacity to sacrifice his life for the idea of honour is regarded by the Icelandic 
Sagas as the essence of the Nordic man. This spiritual property was protected despite the sacrifice of all other possessions. At first 
honour was held by each personally. Then it was embodied in the community as embodied in the judge, and this likewise was grounded 
in the concept of honour. It is better to protect freedom with weapons, than to stain it through payment of taxes, reported Paulus 
Deaconus, concerning the views of Langobardic kings. The dignified Sachsenspiegel (Saxony Mirror) declared: 

Good without honour cannot be regarded as a good; and a body without honour, one is rightly accustomed to hold for dead. 

According to Germanic concepts, only that man possessing law has unassailable honour. After 1918 the man who possessed most 
money had law even if he was a scoundrel. Other folk, which take goods for honour, were regarded as unfit for civic offices according to 
the city law of saint Polten. Guilds must be as pure as if they were chosen by doves, asserted craftsmen from the German past. Thus all 
honour comes from loyalty, so says the Sachsenspiegel (Saxony Mirror). We listen also to Schiller's words about the unworthiness of a 
nation which does not stake its all upon its honour. These are but identical expressions. The same soul had a creative influence upon our 
life for thousands of years until when an alien, still not reshaped, religion came on us. The alien ideas of the Roman state and its alien 
law also destroyed this life. 

The Imperial folkish alien doctors transplanted alien law and dishonourable ideas into the Germanic tribes. They operated as mere 
bailiffs for the powers of the ruling church and the Roman state. Geyler von Kaisersberg complained about the tongues of tittle tattlers 
who, with their gossip, were completely harmful to the common good, and who were concerned only with their own advantages. In the 
year 1513 a poem appeared, the Marriage with a Foreigner, which completely consciously attributes the loss of German freedom to the 
Roman law. Ulrich van Hutten alludes in his conversation in Die Rauber to the Lower Saxons who made their way in their law without 
the new Doctors. Things had gone better in Germany, he said, when the law resided in weapons, not in books. Thus the first and only 
German social revolution was fully justified according to its essence. This was the peasant revolt at the beginning of the 16th century 
against Roman slavery in its threefold form as church, state, and manipulation of law. Today, at the beginning of the 20th century, the 
spiritually intellectual revolution has continued, until the final victory. 

The falsification of ancient Germanic law in favour of the legal church and worldly tyrants was the cause of the social violence of 
the 15th century. The peasants, who made claim to their ancient rights, were sent back home. The claim by the Shoe Makers' Guild that 
this servitude was not in accordance with the will of god bore as little fruit among the Roman prelates as among the Roman Doctors who 
were employed by the princes. So from the year 1432 the peasant revolt against Junkers and bishops began. It was also directed against 
the usurious money lending Jews who fled into the cities under the protection of the Episcopal crozier. 1462 the archbishop of Salzburg 
instituted enormous taxes, and when the tormented people arose against him, Duke Ludwig von Bayern hurried to his aid to suppress the 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 25 



peasants. In 1476 the first Socialist, Joann Behm, appeared and demanded expropriation of the Princes and Prelates. Behm wanted to 
assemble with a great host before Niklashausen. Before this could happen he was arrested, abducted and burnt in Wiirzburg. It is 
remarkable that, parallel to these social battles, the mystical movement of the Begardes appeared. It had once been active in union with 
Meister Eckehart. Everywhere suppressed strata of our people rebelled against alien thought forms, religious impoverishment and 
degenerate manipulation of law. The Shoe Makers' Guild and the Arme Konrad, in part led by the best knights including Florian Geyer, 
moved through the German lands. But the violence of the long withheld torrent was not to be controlled. Burning and plundering, the 
wild hosts trod underfoot everything which came in their path. Luther, in order to keep his Reformation free of social struggles, placed 
himself on the side of princes in armour, and as a result took away from the peasant movement its driving force for good. Thus the 
German peasant revolt, rolling along without great leaders, was suppressed. It had been moderate and was borne by the highest moral 
principles. It demanded much in its twelve principles which the present day program of renewal must also again demand. However, the 
manipulators of church and state listened just as little as they did in the 19th century, when a dishonourable world economy justifiedly 
enslaved millions. 

Once the idea of social cooperation had a stronger effect than that of the Roman state. The Knights' Order stood at the head of this 
social shaping power in the early middle ages. The trading society formed by these knights represented, put into our contemporary 
language, the first German trade union. It was this trade union which held the entire Reich together, not the Roman church. History has 
been deliberately falsified to show the contrary. After the Leagues of Knights followed the League of Cities, then the guilds, the town 
and legal leagues, and the leagues of Marches. This was the full blooded German system of law. The first sign of the ossification of our 
life was when the church law, the CORPVS IVRIS CANONICI, began to operate from the 13th century onward. It was renewed in 
particular during the world war, in 1917, and was declared to be fundamentally unalterable. This so called divine right cannot be altered 
by any usage and any circumstances. Along with divine unalterable right there is alterable lower law. This is also approved by the 
church. The folk is a participant in this. The people prays, serves, expiates, divine right is the unrestricted rule of the people, the 
sanctified power of the Bishops and the Sacraments. Rome also sucks the last drop of honey out of the myth of the representation of god. 

If one recalls how fruitful and life contributing ancient Germanic law once was, then one sees in the degeneration of the legal 
creative powers of the German people just how great our fall has been. 

In 643 the law of King Rotharis appeared and produced a number of flourishing colleges of law with their centre in Pavid (Padua). 
The codes of law of the later city leagues of Lombardy and in Germany go back to this creation by the Lombards. The Franks, 
Alemanns, and the rest, also carried on their wanderings their own racial versions of law. This law then displaced the ancient Roman 
law. The later disappearance of Frankish and Bavarian blood promoted the late Roman law. The great French revolution signified the 
destruction of the Germanic constituents and interpretations of law. Since then France, that is, the land of the Franks, has been Jewish 
Roman in its determination. England was created by Saxon law. Norman law shaped the foundation of the ancient Russian state. 
Germanic law created life and customs in the eastern settlements of the Knights Order, later the Hanseatic League. German cities' 
codices formed the communal system even in the Ukraine. Liibeck law ruled and cultivated Reval, Riga, Novgorod. Magdeburger law 
created the substructure of the Polish state; it was the binding link which continued to be a effect, type forming, when the Polish state 
disintegrated through the counterreformation, approaching its decline. 

For many centuries we have debated whether the law is to be placed above politics or politics above law, that is, whether morality or 
power ought to predominate. As long as generations in action have existed, power politics rulership has always triumphed over 
unrestricted principles. But if in place of a shaping generation, one of drones and aesthetes guided an epoch, then the battle cry was 
always the rights of peoples and moral principles. Behind these principles, however, nothing but extreme cowardice crawled. Even 
where this has not been the case, as with Kant, the priority order for law and politics has been falsely placed. Hitherto these two concepts 
have been regarded as two self existent, almost absolute, unities, and then always according to character and temperament judgements 
given concerning the desirable relationship between the two. On the other hand, we often forget that law and politics are not absolutes. 
They are only fixed by the actions of men of purposeful nature. Both ideas also refer, according to folkish standards, to a principle that 
stands above both. This principle has to direct men inward as well as external affairs of state in life structures, in the service of 
something higher. 

An ancient Indian principle of law from prehistoric Nordic times runs: 

Law and Unlaw do not walk around and say: We are this. Law is what Aryan men discover to be right. 

This is an allusion to a primordial wisdom forgotten in the present day that law is a blood related scheme. It is a system of religion 
and art. It is linked for eternity to a certain blood with which it appears and with which it passes away. Politics, in the best sense of what 
is really statesmanlike, signified external security for the purpose of strengthening of a folkdom. The Law nowhere opposes this as it is 
understood in the right sense as our Law. It must serve the ruling part within the entire structure of a folkdom. As our humanists of art 
looked at Hellas as at something which represented an artistic model entirely on its own, and not as organically shaped, so our 
Humanists also looked to Rome for a model of Law. They overlooked the fact that Roman Law was a product of the Roman people and 
could not be imitated by us because it related to supreme value other than our own. The social and military prototype of Rome gave birth 
as a counterpart to a purely individualistic interpretation of law. The paterfamilias who presided over the life and death of members of 
his kindred is an allegory of Roman objectivity and impartiality. Thus the concept of property taken to its ultimate conclusion. The 
Roman interpretation of law simultaneously declared holy the concept of individual capitalism. Economic man became the supreme 
value. It may defend its justified interests with all possible means, without anyone asking if the honour of the people has suffered harm 
in establishing this economic egoism. One may certainly not hold ancient Roman Law, which set its unwritten boundaries through the 
presiding prototypes, responsible for the late Roman bastard phenomena, which at all events possessed some racially identical 
Langobardic wefts which the Roman state and the Roman church presented us. This was done in order to legally complete the 
enslavement of free peoples. We have today attempted to take over the capitalist principle of law, although we cannot take over the 
whole of ancient Roman life. It can never really become alive again. It was torn from the beam supporting it as an organic state 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 26 



structure. It received another function and became even more an absolute measuring rod from a function. The subjective absence of 
control became a law. This fact has been veiled until today by formalities. 

The Romans would have never increased the legacy of mankind by the idea of a law independent of and equal to the state, if they 
had not with powerful one sidedness put into reality the opposite of the IVS SINGVLORVM and of the IVS POPVLI. Here the 
sovereignty of the one and indivisible state authority, there the sovereignty of the individual; these were powerful levers of Roman legal 
history. 

Die soziale Aufgave des Privatrechts, Berlin, 1889, page 6. 

Thus R. Gierke described the form of Roman polarity of life. Unbridled economic individualism conceives and applies the law 
without reference to race and folk, since folkish honour is not the determining centre. The paths to an economic goal are only judged 
from a formal juristic aspect, not from the aspect of Nordic German consciousness of honour. 

Many who are horrified at these things which have today become openly evident now attempt to find salvation by calling for 
independence of the law from party, money, and other forces. But in so doing they overlook that this so called freedom is without 
relation to a shaping centre, and is to be held responsible for the present condition of lawlessness. This is because politics, as presently 
elaborated, was regarded as the method of carrying out so called purely formal state authority. It is not regarded as an achievement to be 
used in the service of the people and its supreme value. 

The Law and the state lay over us like other crusts, like the religion, the arts and the sciences. Their hollow expression of power has 
called forth revolutionary forces. At first the forces of the desperate were repressed. As a result, today, the revolution of the Nordic 
Germanic race soul is no longer robbed of its highest value. 

That is the essential fact which has been clouded by legal compromises, such as, for example, the German civic law code. Only a 
few features of the ancient Germanic consciousness of law have remained. 

If we link the conclusions from these admissions with what was elaborated at the beginning, then it results as seen at first from an 
internal state aspect that law and politics represent only two different expressions of the same will which stands in the service of our 
highest racial value. It is the first duty of a judge to protect the folkish honour through his pronouncements from every attack, and 
politics has the duty to carry through such a pronouncement ruthlessly. Conversely, politics — as law giving and executive power — has 
the duty to pass only such laws which in a social, religious and generally moral forming aspect serve the highest value of our people. 
Here the judge has the counselling voice. 

The idols of the 19th century were trade and profit. All laws were related to this principle, all property became wares, and all art 
goods for trading. Religion in the colonies and in the missions to heathens were tools for opium dealers, diamond racketeers and 
plantation owners. In vain the national idea struggled against the dissipation of our racially intrinsic life. It was too weak, because it was 
not an all embracing Myth, but was only held to be one value among others. For a long time there were no supreme values, only 
convenient aids to exploitation. Thus law also became the whore of economy, that is, the profit seeking of money which determined 
politics. The German democracy of November, 1918 signified the victory of the dirtiest racketeering idea which the world had ever seen. 
Therefore, if today we represent a law as it was sketched at the beginning, then this signifies a deliberate attack upon the essence of all 
present day democracies and their Marxist forerunners. It signifies the destruction of the idea of honour in favour of the dishonourable 
concept of capitalism. We demand the complete rule of what is folkish over every form of internationalism. This idea must be uniformly 
served by everything which strives for predominance today: religion, politics, law, art, schools and social doctrine. From the demand for 
protection of the honour of the folk there follows, as a most important measure, the protection of folk and race. 

This characterisation of the highest spiritual value coincides exactly with the essence of the various transcriptions of the German 
concept of law. As Gierke says: 

We cannot break with the great Germanic idea of the unity of law without abandoning our future. 

Bott Bodenhausen asks whether one agrees with replacing the concept of being with the concept of effect, and the corporations with 
the functional and the dynamic. Everything nevertheless runs to placing the inner bonds between law and duty above goods and money. 
Against a rational method of individualisation, this type of creation of law is a willed, morally binding activity. The German does not 
attribute unhindered legal right to an object, that is, a property to the owner. Rather, he thinks of the relation of the person to his 
property. Being rooted in an organic totality, the idea of duty, the vital reference, is that all this characterises the German concept of law, 
and all this springs from a centre of will. It keeps pure the idea of the protection of honour. 

No people of Europe is racially homogeneous, not even Germany. According to the latest research, we accept five races all of which 
reveal perceptibly different types. But it is beyond question that the true culture bearer for Europe has been in the first place the Nordic 
race. Great heroes, artists and founders of states have grown from this blood. It built the massive fortresses and sacred cathedrals. Nordic 
blood composed and created those works of music which we revere as our greatest revelations. Nordic blood shaped German life before 
all else. It is revealed in some circles only in small, but very definite, type forming, ways. Germany is Nordic, and the Nordic element 
has had an effect, type forming, also upon the western, Dinaric and east Baltic races. This singling out of the Nordic race does not 
signify any sowing of race hatred in Germany. On the contrary, we have a conscious recognition of a full blooded binding material 
within our folkhood. Without this binding material, as it has formed our history, Germany would never have become a German Reich. 
Germanic poetry would never have appeared. The idea of honour would never have dominated and ennobled law and life. On any day, if 
the Nordic blood were to vanish without a trace, Germany would fall to pieces and undergo a characterless chaos. That many forces 
deliberately work for this has been extensively discussed. These forces find support in the Alpine type, which, without any value of its 
own, has remained fundamentally superstitious and slavish in disposition despite Germanisation. The external bonds of the old Reich 
idea collapsed. This blood stirred together with other bastard phenomena. It placed itself in the service of a magical belief or in the 
service of the unconditional democratic chaos. It finds its protagonist in parasitical but instinctively strong Jewry. 

If a German renewal attempts to realise the values of our soul in a vital sense, then it must also preserve and strengthen the physical 
prerequisites of these values. Race protection, race breeding, and race hygiene are thus unavoidable requirements of a new time. Racial 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 27 



breeding signifies, above all, the protection of the Nordic racial component of our people in the sense of our deepest research. A German 
state has as its first duty the creation of laws. These must correspond to our basic requirements. 

The Vatican has again made itself known as the bitterest enemy of the improved breeding of the biologically valuable, and as the 
protector of the preservation and propagation of the inferior. Even to serious catholic eugenicists, Pope Pius declared — at the beginning 
of 1931 in his encyclical Concerning Christian Marriage — that it was not lawful to restrict men who were capable of entering into a 
marriage, but could only give life to inferior offspring; to in any way prevent propagation because of the inviolability of the body. The 
individual man has the right to use his own limbs. He must use them corresponding to their natural purpose. This was revealed by reason 
and by the catholic Christian moral doctrine, and the worldly authority never has the right to go beyond this. To set up unrestricted 
propagation of idiots, the children of syphilitics, alcoholics and the insane as a Christian moral doctrine is undoubtedly the height of a 
thinking that is hostile to nature and folk. This has today been declared to be impossible by us. In reality, it represents nothing other than 
the necessary outflow of that racially chaotic system that Syrian African Roman dogma has forged. Therefore, every European who 
would like to see his people physically and spiritually healthy, and who takes the stand that idiots and the incurably sick infect his 
nation, will have to permit himself to be represented, according to Roman teaching, as anticatholic, as an enemy of the Christian moral 
doctrine. And he will have to choose if he is the anti Christ, or if the Founder of Christianity can really have himself conceived — as a 
dogma — the unrestricted breeding of all kinds of inferior types. This is what His representative boldly demands. Therefore, whoever 
wishes for a healthy and spiritually strong Germany must passionately reject this encyclical. Such is the work of a pope who aims at the 
breeding of subhumanity. We thus reject Roman thought as antinatural and hostile to life. 

Immigration into Germany, which was earlier restricted along religious lines, was later unrestricted. No feelings of or for Jewish 
humanity must in the future be carried out because of our Nordic racial and hygienic views. For example, nothing will stand in the way 
of granting citizenship to Nordic Scandinavians, but insuperable difficulties must be placed in the way of migration of mulattoid 
elements from the south or east. Persons who are afflicted with hereditary diseases must be refused permanent residence, or their 
capacity for reproduction must be restricted by medical intervention. The same must occur with habitual criminals. Marriages between 
Germans and Jews must be forbidden, at least as long as Jews generally remain upon German soil. That the Jews lose their rights of 
citizenship and must be subject to a new law appropriate to them, is self evident. Sexual intercourse, rape, and so on, between Germans 
and Jews must be, according to the gravity of the case, punished by confiscation of property, expulsion, jail and death. The rights of 
citizenship must not be a gift at birth, but must be acquired by labour. Only the fulfilment of duty and service for the honour of the 
people can award this right. Consequently, we must make a ceremony out of the award of citizenship to take the place of confirmation. 
Only when sacrifices have been made for something, is one also ready to fight for it. 

This last measure will also automatically push those racial elements into the foreground which are organically most of all capable of 
serving the supreme value of our people. One needs only to allow a few companies of our Wehrmacht or the S.A. to march by, in order 
to see these heroic forces coming out from the subconscious. But in order to protect them from another stab in the back, we must insure 
that they are kept pure. 

At a Viennese court a judge suggested leniency be exercised for an accused criminal because he had spent much of his time in a 
mercantile environment. Therefore was his crime to be evaluated, and his responsibility diminished. This was even stated openly. 

The Nordic idea of earlier times, that of strictly separating dishonourable actions from other offences, has likewise vanished in 
democratic, raceless, legal life as in a faceless politics and trade. The last fragments admittedly still survive and a few live in honour for 
a certain duration or even for a lifetime. These value saving fragments are still the last forces, type forming and folkish preserving, 
which, however, are almost exhausted. 

Under the sign of democracy even those ministers who accepted bribes were treated as men of honour. Indeed, men were severely 
punished for describing them as scoundrels. This occurred under the name of protection of the state. We can determine what kind of 
state we have according to the concept of honour. A new German law will therefore restore the scale of values between the honourable 
and dishonourable, and increase the punishment for dishonourable behaviour. Only in this way can a German type of man once again 
arise. 

Punishment is not in the first instance a means of education as our humanitarians wish to persuade us. Punishment is also not 
revenge. Punishment is, and here we are discussing punishment for dishonourable behaviour, simply the singling out of types and 
natures alien to our type. A punishment for dishonourable crimes must therefore automatically bring with it loss of rights of citizenship, 
and, in grave cases, lifelong expulsion and confiscation of property. A man who does not regard the folkdom and folkish honour as the 
highest values, has abandoned the right to be protected by this people. That for folk and national betrayal prison — or the death penalty — 
must be fixed, is self evident. 

The German possesses, as has already been observed, a fateful peculiarity as a legacy of humanism and liberalism. He handles most 
problems, not in relation to blood and soil, but in a purely abstract way, as if definitions were something in themselves, and as if it were 
a matter of elevating a more or less flexible value into the program of the most furious struggle. One such, an abstract philosopher of the 
democratic kind of law, was Karl Christian Planck. During the French Prussian war he carried on an investigation to ascertain if 
Germany possessed the right to assert itself to obtain its necessities of life. In lengthy philosophic discussions, he came to the conclusion 
that Germany must abandon the nationalist idea, because it had a provocative effect upon her neighbours. But it did not enter the heads 
of the law philosopher Planck — and all his successors up to Schucking and Driedrich Wilhem Forster — that the nationalistic wave in the 
neighbouring states necessarily called forth a justified defensive will in Germany. But in fact, what happened was that from this 
bloodless discrimination the German people had its vital rights cut short to the benefit of the national will of other peoples. 

What gained political validity was completed in the same manner in internal politics. Rights were allotted to immigrant eastern Jews 
because of that abstraction of the law. It had nothing in common with the real rights of the German people, but ran contrary to these. 
And thus things necessarily reached the stage, where, on the basis of abstract law, a legal favouritism toward the Jews, as opposed to 
Germans, came into existence. 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 28 



In the same manner that the democratic pseudothinkers fought for the Law, the convinced Social Democrat fought against capital. 
Once again a bloodless concept or, more correctly, a mere word, became the object of dispute between millions. At the same time it was 
clear that, between one kind of capital and another, fundamental differences extended. It is undeniable that capital is necessary to every 
enterprise. The only question that remains is: In whose hands is this capital to be found, and what are the principles by which it is to be 
governed, directed or supervised? This is what is decisive. The outcry against capital has become a tool where with demagogues have 
led us astray. These demagogues used the concept of folkish hostile capital overlaid with productive material to rob us of natural 
treasures, while allowing liquid international loan capital to vanish from Germany's sight. 

If the conscious German Social Democrat had been clear about this from the start, that it was simply a matter of binding this fluid 
finance capital, which could easily be transferred from one state to another, then the state and folk, by a seizure of power, could protect 
our national capital. Then the entire struggle against the domination of money, and thus the struggle against the real destructive 
capitalism, could be conducted in the correct form. But the Social Democrat trotted, clouded by phrases, behind the Jewish demagogues. 
He thus permitted the destruction of soil linked capital and allowed himself to be made into a protagonist for folkish destroying finance 
capital. The reason for this tragic catastrophe lay once again in the fact that the German only too easily took general, empty concepts for 
facts, and was ready to shed his blood for phantoms. 

Even in folkish circles we have not remained completely free of bloodless antitheses. Many writers think in the following manner. 
They declare that today capital and property rule over labour. Consequently, in the sense of an eternal justice, the striving of everyone 
who is folkish minded, and everyone who is patriotic must be directed towards breaking the rule by property over labour. We must 
elevate labour as a value above property. In this abstract interpretation the antithesis is just an untenable as abstract philosophic 
investigations about law or the social democratic struggle against abstract capital. Here it is also necessary to distinguish between one 
kind of property and another. In the true sense property, personal property, is nothing other than congealed labour. For every really 
creative performance of labour, irrespective of realm, is nothing other than the process of the formation of property. Only the mysterious 
genius who is not measurable at all reaches beyond this. Ineradicably immersed within the human soul is the drive to enhance the 
satisfaction of daily existence beyond the yield of labour in such a way that, after silencing momentary impulses, a property remains 
behind. And in the same way that a man, driven by an inexplicable urge, wishes to survive through his children, so he also attempts to 
pass on property to the future, to his descendants. If this urge were not indwelling in man, he would not be an inventor and discoverer. 
He would never have become a creator. This feeling of personal property thus extends exactly to works of art and scientific works which 
spring from a superfluity of shaping powers and represent nothing other than property, acquired on the basis of surplus labour power and 
surplus labour capacity. To fight against property as a concept in itself, is thus at least thoughtless, but, in its practical carrying out, such 
a struggle would have to aim at exactly the same results as the Social Democratic struggle against capital. 

There is also another kind of property which does not represent the consequence of creative labour but is a utilisation of this labour 
through speculation or a deceitful political news service. Here there results a completely practical criterion for judgement of the origin of 
a property. It is thus not a question of conducting a struggle against property as such but of a sharpening of the conscience; of the 
consciousness of honour and the concept of duty in accordance with the values of the German character. 

As far as labour is concerned, it is self evident that each and every position, insofar as these fit into the structure of the German 
totality, is of equal value and honour. Adolf Hitler has in this respect created the sole measuring rod for a working man in the following 
manner. The measure of the irreplaceability of a man within the entire folk is determined by an assessment of the value of his work. 
However, it is self evident that an order of rank results here. But it follows from this that work in itself cannot be set up in contrast to a 
property in itself. The antithesis consists far more in the distinction between one kind of property and another, and between one kind of 
work and another. We have to ensure that property which is obtained dishonestly or by speculation is confiscated by the state. But 
personal property that is the fruit of labour is unconditionally recognised as an eternally driving cultural factor. In the differentiation 
between kinds of labour, an impelling momentum must be created so that, by viewing the standard of value in favour of the entire 
people, everyone will make efforts to extend the successes of individual labour. This then appears as the basic adjustment from which a 
future German can approach the problems of labour, property, speculation and capitalism. Everywhere the blood and what is folkish 
linked must be regarded as the impelling element, not as a word and not as an empty concept. 

Exactly the same holds in observation of the trade conflicts within the folkish totality. Strike and lockout can condition one another. 
If one is permitted, then the other must also be permitted. If an industrialist may refuse the possibility of work, then the worker has the 
same right to withdraw his labour power from the owner of an enterprise. And in fact in an organised manner, since then the parties only 
confront each other one on one. 

Strikes and lockouts in their present form are products of the liberal idea. The first has nothing to do with socialism, while the 
second, nothing to do with national economy. Both parts emanate from the egoism of a class and its class interests, without regard to the 
folkish totality. The office of arbitration under the former socialist minister was an abortion. It showed only how hopelessly devoid of 
ideas the state apparatus was. It was even afraid to proceed in a dictatorial manner because that would have conditioned the tangible 
responsibility of a Democratic Reich Labour Minister. But this would then have showed the extent of our betrayal into the hands of 
world capital without any attempt at disguise. There was no possibility of shifting the guilt onto other shoulders. But the financial 
Marxists feared this for very understandable reasons. 

The creative German nation was the victim of three factors: industry, exploited manual workers and the helpless ministry of a 
democratic social stamp. Those responsible for the great crisis were our earlier Reich governments and thus the entire Reichstag. 

Employers and workers are not individualities in themselves but parts of an organic whole, without which they all would not signify 
anything. For this reason the freedom of action both of the employer and the labourer was necessarily restricted as the interests of the 
folkish demand. However, this can only occur when the government acting here has not itself emanated from purely group interests. It 
further follows from this that the parliamentary mingling of commercial individualism and party politics was the cancerous illness of our 
accursed existence up to 1933. Therefore the social question can never be solved by social democracy and even less by communism. The 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 29 



latter would like to turn the whole of life upside down by declaring the part to be the whole. Even less could the crisis be solved by 
national trading capacities which had already failed by 1917. Today these corporations stand more helplessly than ever. I have never 
occupied myself with the social question. The principal thing was that the chimneys smoked, said Hugo Stinnes in 1918 to H. von 
Siemen. Even today a section of German heavy industry thinks like this, and has likewise cultivated a class struggle, from above. 

Thus, seen even from this side of practical life, the old pseudonationalism and the old pseudosocialism die under our eyes 
accompanied by violent convulsions. Both were and are coupled unnaturally with cartel democracy. Both were poisoned through it and 
can be rid of the poison only through the new nationalism and socialism. Only in this way can we establish a readiness for a new state 
idea of racial organic life. 

The philosophy from which this mode of observation originates directly opposes both the bourgeois liberal and the Marxist. It is the 
very old German feeling for law which is today shattered. Roman law emphasised only the formal aspects of property. It singled it out as 
a thing in itself without developing a reference point. The German version of law does not recognise this viewpoint at all. It knows and 
recognises only relationships which are of an obligatory kind between private property and the community. These give character to 
property which means only justified property. It is here that the deepest poisoning of the socialist idea occurs. Alongside are those vast 
desolations brought about by Marxism. The first is the doctrine of internationalism, which disintegrates the folkish basis of all thought 
and feeling through the class struggle, which is designed to destroy the nation. This class struggle kills the living organism by stirring up 
one part of the nation to revolt against the other. Marxism also spawns pacifism which is intended to complete this work of destruction 
through the emasculation of foreign policy. There is another force that produces the deepest undertaking and the total destruction of the 
very concept of property. It is linked in the most inward way to the general Germanic idea of personality. Once Marxism seized on 
Proudhon's remark, property is theft, it used this as the watchword in its struggle against capitalism and as an attack on private property. 
This is a thoroughly specious formula. The concept of theft is meaningless if no idea of property exists. It has raised Marxist 
demagogues to leadership and eliminated from it all honourable men. Thus, necessarily, under Marxist rule since 1918, it was not 
property which was declared to be theft but, conversely, the greatest thefts were legitimised in the name of equalisation of property. 

Suddenly it becomes blindingly clear to what the concept of property refers. A bourgeoisie devoid of ideas accuses the German 
Renaissance movement of hostility to property because it provides for the possibility, if necessary, of undertaking confiscations in the 
name of the national state. Even the bourgeoisie, robbed by inflation, clings timidly to an outmoded idea of property. It prefers to feel 
conjoined with the greatest enemies of the people rather than to rethink its old ideas. But it is only a matter of precisely where the line 
between theft and justified property is to be drawn. For the true German, who always links the ideas of law and of honour, legal property 
cannot be easily defined. On the other hand, with the democratic concept of property, men who really ought to be sitting in jail or 
hanging in the gallows travel in elegant frock coats to international trade conferences as representatives of free democracy. The new 
version of law which cannot accept tainted property as a personal possession is, as a result, the strongest guardian and protector of the 
truly German concept of property. This idea stands throughout in harmony with the ancient Germanic feeling for law. 

And here we see a significant fact which leads us back to what was previously said: Socialism is for us not only the deliberate 
inauguration of folkish protective measures, nor just an economic or social political scheme. It stems from innate values, that is to say, 
from the will. From the will and its values originate the ideas of duty and the law. Since the blood is one with that will, the words 
socialism and nationalism are not opposites but, in the deepest essence, one and the same in the same philosophic terms. It is a fact that 
both expressions of our life originate in a common primal will which evaluates that life in a particular way. 

Only if one reflects upon and experiences the struggles of our times will he understand those prerequisites which give all other 
individual demands their colour, unity and content. But if one tests each German with all vital questions from the viewpoint of the 
supreme value of blood conditioned folk, then, although he may occasionally err, he will always quickly become conscious of his error 
and be able to correct it. 

On the basis of the state and legal viewpoints described, our entire present day economic system appears to us as inwardly rotten 
and hollow in spite of its enormous extent. The international cartels have celebrated dishonourable triumphs at the great economic 
conferences since 1919. Never before did the world witness a more shameless rule of money over all other values than when the millions 
of citizens in all nations were sacrificed on bloody battlefields in the belief that they fought for freedom, honour and Fatherland. The 
shamelessness of international stock market piracy after its victory let slip all masks of freemasonic humanity and demonstrated with 
terrifying clarity not only democratic decadence but also the disintegration of the old nationalism which, with sword in hand, slavishly 
fought for the interests of the stock exchange. Trade is our destiny, proudly declared Walter Rathenau, that hero of the international 
financial spirit. To carry on trade for the sake of trade was the ideal of that soulless era. The concept of honour was absent in the entire 
economic world of the nineteenth century, whether trade was conducted by nationalists or internationalists. For this reason it established 
the rule of scoundrels over men of honour. In all colleges, professors taught the so called laws of trade to which we were to submit 
ourselves. But they forgot that every legal effect has a point of departure, a prerequisite from which the necessary course of events 
ensues. The gold mania, artificially injected into us for example, is the prerequisite for the international gold currency which is held to 
be according to natural law, but which, when the delusion is exposed, vanishes like the witch mania of the inquisitorial middle ages after 
the successful Enlightenment. 

The racial chaos of the capital cities is the natural law consequent of the freedom of movement. The dictatorship of the stock market 
is the necessary consequence of the worship of trade and profit. It will vanish when a new idea, borne by new men, becomes the basis of 
economic life. Here also it is the Nordic concept of honour which will one day create a new law through its representatives. Once a 
bankruptcy, even if undeserved, was regarded as dishonourable. Insolvency brought not only the bankrupt person himself, but others, to 
the abyss. But in the present world even international bankruptcy is good business, and the racketeer is seen as a useful member of 
democratic society. The law of the coming Reich will sweep here with an iron broom. It will fulfil the words of Lagarde concerning 
Jews. He said that one cannot convert plague bacilli, but must render them harmless as quickly as possible. Millions groan today under a 
terrible injustice. They clamour for a solution through wage increases and monetary revaluations, and so on. They do not comprehend 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 30 



that their misery is the outcome of the universal elevation of trade to the position of supreme value. But they will at once understand 
what has taken place in the last hundred years when once the rope and the gallows begin the necessary cleansing. It will be remarkable 
how quickly the entire spectre will collapse when the energetic hand of a strong man seizes by the neck the strutting frock coated rabble 
and renders them impotent by the legal means of a new justice. Law is for us only that which serves German honour. A true economy is 
therefore only that which is based on this principle as once were the noble craft guilds. So even today is the way of the Hanseatic 
League. 

There will be differences of opinion concerning technical measures. These cannot be dealt with here because other conditions may 
make means necessary which cannot be accurately assessed today. One cannot lay down in detail the laws of a spiritual revolution. It is 
only necessary to recognise our starting point and then to strive passionately for our ultimate goal. 

In our view the economy is integrated into the system of type creating powers, as are law and politics. All serve but one end. A 
future German state will need to fit two additional important measures into the core of its legal structure, and these correspond to the 
organic selection processes of nature: banishment and outlawry. If a German has been guilty of grave violations of his national duties by 
conduct which goes beyond what is pardonable personal blemish, then there is no reason any longer for the folkish community to 
tolerate and nourish this harmful unit in its midst. Through its courts, therefore, it will pronounce either temporary or permanent 
banishment. In serious cases of flight to escape German jurisdiction, the criminal must be outlawed. No German anywhere in the world 
will then be permitted to have any personal or professional contact with him. All political and economic means must be brought to bear 
to ensure the implementation of this declaration of outlawry. As for the criminal's family, decisions must vary from case to case and, in 
any event, it must be a consideration. 

By pampering criminals, the democratic state promotes a process of negative selection detrimental to the stock, and compels the 
creative folk to support a great percentage of criminals and to care for their similarly afflicted offspring. Denial of citizenship rights, 
banishment and outlawry would soon bring about a very noticeable purification of modern life, enhancement of all creative forces, and 
consequently a strengthening of self confidence. This is the first prerequisite of a vigorous foreign policy. 

Today, the matter of illegitimate children is treated with a repulsive hypocrisy. The churches heap disgrace, contempt and social 
ostracism upon fallen women, while the organic enemies of the nation call for the demolition of all standards and demand racial chaos, 
sexual collectivism and unrestricted abortion. 

From the racial viewpoint, all this is seen in a different light. Certainly monogamy is to be protected and retained as the organic cell 
of the Germanic folk, but Professor Wieth Knudsen has already correctly argued that without periodical polygamy the Germanic current 
of peoples during earlier centuries would never have arisen, and consequently all bases for the culture of the west would have been 
lacking (Professor Dr. K. A. Wieth Knudsen, Frauenfragen und Feminismus (Women's Question and Feminism), Stuttgart, 1926). This 
is certainly the best work which has been written on this topic to date. The author says: 

I also accept monogamy, but this does not influence my understanding of the fact that the periodical polygamy of our ancestors is 
the reason that the White men, emerging from the impoverished area of northwest Europe, are still, in spite of all setbacks, so 
numerously represented today, while the struggle of Christianity against polygamy simultaneously promoted a decline of the military 
political development of our race — a logical connection which till now has not been recognised or evaluated. 

This truth elevates the historical fact above all moralising. There were later periods in which women far outnumbered men. Such is 
the case again today. Should these millions of women be regarded with a pitying smile as old maids who have been robbed of their vital 
right? Should a hypocritical, sexually satisfied society pass contemptuous judgement upon them? The coming Reich will reject both 
these attitudes. While retaining monogamy, it will show to mothers of German children, including those whose children are born out of 
wedlock, the same respect and equal social and legal status. Obviously such a policy will be attacked by the churches and by the female 
presidents of all social and moral associations. It is such as they who find acceptable a marriage between a catholic German and a 
catholic mulatto, while applying social and religious pressure against the marriage of a German catholic and a German protestant. They 
take the view that racial pollution is wholly moral and Christian, but they raise a hypocritical howl if we advocate consideration of 
biological and spiritual factors in order to preserve the race and strengthen the Germanic folk. The excess of births over deaths in 
Germany in 1874 was 13.4 per thousand; in 1904, it was 14.5, but in 1927 only 6.4! The somewhat lower mortality rate exacerbates 
these figures by disguising the deficit of women of childbearing age. According to Lenz, Germany needs 1,366,000 live births in order 
to stabilise its population at 78,000,000, but in 1927 only 1,160,000 were born. That is, from the necessary minimum figure for the 
maintenance of the stock, there is already a 15% deficiency. The present excess of births cannot therefore be of long duration. In a few 
decades, the generation which is now middle aged will have reached old age, and then, with the consequent mortality, a population 
deficiency will be seen. One should add that the peoples of the east continue to increase in numbers. Russia, in spite of all her miseries, 
gains annually about three million. Thus the question for the German people is whether it will perish. If, therefore, in the face of many 
childless marriages, notwithstanding the great excess of women, healthy unmarried Germans bring children into the world, then that 
constitutes a strengthening of the German people. We are approaching the time of great battles for survival itself. Some reject our views. 
These are the sexually satisfied moralists and the presidents of female organisations which knit sweaters for negroes or eagerly donate to 
missions of the Zulus. These are the ones who campaign against immorality if anyone urges the preservation of our endangered 
substance. But we know that these ideas are absurd. All else is secondary to that which will produce healthy German stock. A genuine 
morality and the maintenance of national freedom are inconceivable without this prerequisite. Standards which are good in orderly and 
peaceful eras can become fatal in times of a struggle for destiny, and bring about decline. The future German Reich will evaluate this 
entire question from a new viewpoint and create corresponding life forms. This consideration is also involved in evaluating racial 
mixing. If a German voluntarily miscegenates with negroes, Orientals, half breeds or Jews, then he is in no case entitled to legal 
protection — not even for his legitimate or illegitimate children who, in turn, shall not be entitled to German citizenship. Rape by 
someone of alien race will be punished by flogging, jail, confiscation of property and lifelong banishment form the German Reich. 
Spiritually, politically and militarily, the foundation will have been laid for the emergence of a new aristocracy. It will be seen that by an 

The Myth of the 20th Century 1 3 1 



inner necessity such men are, by physical appearance, 80 % Nordic. The fulfilment of these values is directly linked with the highest 
values of the blood. With some others, the genetic picture predominates over the individual appearance and is revealed only through 
deeds. It would be superficial to go to work with foot rules and cephalic indices in order to evaluate the individual. But confirmation of a 
life devoted to the service of the nation is of the greatest concern. However, with an upbreeding of the race, a Nordic ideal of beauty will 
emerge. 

The new aristocracy will be an aristocracy of both blood and achievement. It will descend from fathers to sons, but it will be 
extinguished if the son commits offences which are dishonourable. Nor will it necessarily be renewed in the fourth generation if the third 
reveals inferior traits. The German aristocratic order will need to be, in the first place, built of farmers and warriors, because in such 
professions sheer physical health is most securely preserved. In this the basis for the breeding of healthy descendants is most likely to be 
established. More caution will have to be observed in the matter of ennobling artists, scholars or politicians, however great may be their 
honourable achievements. The old democracy rewarded only with money, but the new Germany will reward its great leaders with 
honours. 

Since 1918, the old titles of nobility have become merely nominal instead of being legally based in the structure of the community. 
The coming Reich will not restore the old social nobility, but will make confirmation of noble titles dependent upon proven worth in the 
struggle for Germany. Without such confirmation the old noble name will become merely a common civic one. 

Nobility, which was awarded on the grounds of personal conduct in the Great War, will require no further confirmation. In this way, 
nobility would no longer be a feature of a caste constituting a horizontal social layer, but would pass vertically through all the ranks of 
the folk. It would spur on all healthy, strong, creative forces to the highest achievements. We will not do this in the democratic sense of 
granting license to the talented even if they are otherwise corrupt. All personal achievements must begin with a concept of both personal 
and national honour. 

It will be necessary to go further. The idea of racial law is an adjunct to the recognition of concrete natural law. That law was once 
regarded as something holy. The gods at first were embodiments of natural forces. Later they became the bearers of a moral idea. A folk 
which fails to understand natural law will be unable to grasp the nature of the moral law. A world view which sees creation merely as an 
arbitrary god, recognises no inner worth of man. The creation of the world from nothing requires a fundamental corollary belief in a 
Creator who later intrudes — or can intrude — in the world whenever it pleases him to do so. This denies the inner law of natural 
causation. Such is the world view of the Semites, the Jews and of Rome. The magic of the medicine man is a part of the proclamation of 
the Almighty who interferes in the world from the outside. Such systems of belief recognise no organic laws. It sees only the tyrannical 
rule of their god or of his Vicar who would wish to impose his CORPVS IVRIS CANONICI upon the entire world in the name of 
ecumenicalism. 

Nordic western man recognises an eternal law of nature and is able, thanks to this perception, to create a genuine cosmic science. 
Once with Odin we had produced the first great allegory of the moral idea of god. Odin, the highest god, was the guardian of law and of 
contracts. The law was sacred like the oath. The whole race of gods perished because Odin himself had sinned against the sacred nature 
of a contract — even though it was unwittingly, and as a result of being tricked by the bastard Loki. Only his death was expiation. Here 
we see the idea of honour as the ultimate measuring rod of the Nordic man. Its violation must be expiated other than through a drama. 

A spiritually conditioned conformity to nature is also at work. This is something our scholars unsuspectingly pass by. Our present 
decline recapitulates the myth of the Edda, which, given present world events, attains a mystical, superhuman greatness. When honour, 
and law and strength of will disintegrate, the gods perish. A world epoch collapsed in a terrible blood red conflagration in 1914. It is the 
task of the future to meld together once more these three great entities under the aegis of the German folkish state. 

Chapter V. Church and School 

A German peoples' church is today the longing of millions. The confirmation of this fact means that we must demand the 
profoundest responsibility from those who give expression to this longing. Today there has been enough loud talk. Indeed, there has 
been more than enough! We talk about the insufficiency of the form and of the content of our churches. The deep underlying roots of 
this feeling of dissatisfaction have been discussed in this work, whilst showing respect towards religious thought. This theology has been 
ennobled by the faith, life and death of many generations. But the truth demands the immediate admission that this new longing has 
nowhere yet appeared as vital action, as an allegory of life. 

In no German region has a religious genius appeared. No one has come forth to reveal through his life a new religious type to 
replace the existing ones. This fact is decisive insofar as no German conscious of responsibility may direct a demand to leave the 
churches at those who still cling to them in faith. If one did so it could possibly make the masses uncertain and disintegrate them 
spiritually. Before we destroy what the people presently have, we must be prepared to offer a substitute. 

The liberal epoch brought enormous desolation in the church domain. This was precipitated by its many pseudoscientific beliefs 
s